The media are trying to present this as a revolt by an apolitical and corporatist generation. In fact, the climate of the demonstrations is very political. Many of the students' banners refer to Germany's high arms spending, or denounce the government's austerity policies. Although the revolutionary left, sectarian and non-sectarian groups alike, has found it difficult to influence the movement so far, there is clearly a massive process of politicisation under way.
The causes of the students' anger suggest that, at least superficially, some anti-capitalist consciousness is imposing itself more or less automatically in this struggle. The social basis of student anger
Unlike in the 1970s, successive reforms of the education system have undermined the social situation of the majority of students. The [universal] student allowance is fixed at a maximum of 900 DM (US$465). And half of this sum is a loan, which must be repaid once the student enters the labour market. Not surprisingly, young people from working-class families are less and ess present in the freshman classes of Germany's universities.
Those who do make it are obliged to find "MacJobs" to survive. This doesn't leave time to study. And yet, the government just introduced regulations which cut off the student allowance if a course is not completed in a certain period of time. Those who have to work while they study are caught in a vicious circle.
Successive budget cuts have caused a decline in the material and human infrastructure of the universities. There is a shortage of classrooms, libraries, and lecturers. A growing proportion of the teaching staff are employed on part time, fixed term or other kinds of preca-
Students initial protest focused on the budget priorities of the Länder, demanding increased spending on the universities, and on education in general. But their anger quickly focused on the federal government, which is preparing a general law on university education.
Among other legislation will permit the introduction of new types of registration fees. The total cost which students will have to pay may eventually be ten times higher than at present! This will have a dramatic effect on the number of young people who will be able to study past the high
The new federal legislation will generalise a double-financing system, with the public education budget declining in relative terms, and a generalisation of private sponsorship. Although this private financing will be managed by the public authorities, the influence of industrial groups will become decisive. A two-track education system
This will contribute to a growing division of the student world. There will be more and more spending on high technology sectors like genetic biology, chemistry, and electronics, in a race for competitiveness with top universities in other countries. Meanwhile, the human and social sciences will receive a smaller and smaller proportion of resources
This will make the German system much more like the British and French university system, where a handful of elite institutions prepare the future business, political and scientific elite, alongside a mass of second and third class institutions preparing the mass of students for their future insertion in the labour force.
As we go to press, Chancellor Helmut
Kohl's conservative government has been unsuccessful in its attempts to divide and divert the student movement.
The promise of a few million DM for the university libraries has not calmed people's spirits. And the students reject the idea that programmes for the unemployed be cut to finance any 'bribes'
Everyone knows that the real money Is elsewhere. Fingers crossed that the movement continues after the Christmas holidays! *