In December 1997, however, there were frequent joint meetings of AC! and the other movements. We used a common logo, and, where tensions and differences arose, we tried to re-absorb them. This unity was reinforced by the explicit support which the more radical sections of the trade union movement gave to the
France * unemployed protests.
The Communist-led CGT, France's biggest trade union confederation, gave their support, but probably don't want to see the emergence of a stable, autonomous front of trade unions and civic initiatives. But they also know that their rank and file is unhappy about the Communist Party's participation in the Jospin government. And that a growing part of the CGT is renewing its trade union work in a more dynamic, less top-down way. Union leaders betray (again)
The other major trade unions didn't even support the unemployed protests. The third-largest confederation, Force ouvrière (FO) claimed that supporting the protests would divide workers and the unemployed. FO leaders said the unemployed movement was being manipulated by the Communist Party, the Revolutionary Communist League (LCR - 4" International) and the [fascist] National Front,
The second-largest confederation, CFDT, co-manages the social security system with the Employers' federation (CNPF). These partners have pushed benefit levels down in recent years, and now refuse either to increase payment levels, or restore the discretionary payment tunds to their 1980s levels. Increasing employer contributions to the social security fund is also out of the question! They claim that the social security fund must be used to "activate" the labour market, and not spent on "passive payments" - presumably on the assumption that the unemployed are nothing but "passive people"
In the face of the occupations of social security offices, and massive public support for the demands of the unemployed movement, the CFDT passed the buck to the government. The government doesn't want to interfere with the CFDT's cosy position in the social security administration, because it wants the confederation (which did not call for a vote for Jospin in the last elections) to help it win employer support for the introduction of a 35 hour week, while preventing a labour radicalisation on the question.
Once again, the CFDT has publicly opposed a strong, popular social movement. And once more sectors of the CFDT majority are coming over to the positions of the minority "CFDT in Struggle" current, which is a key component of AC! and other radical initiatives. 1. CFDT militants opposed to the moderate leadership of Nicole Notat, SUD, FSU, and some CGT militants; the National Movement of Unemployed and Precarious (MCP) which is a federation of local collectives of the unemployed; the National Collective for Women's Rights, itself a regroupment of 160 trade union, political and civic groups; and a wide range of smaller groups. 2. The minima sociale is the residual payment to the poorest of the poor, once their contribution-based social security benefits (if any) have expired. There are eight "minima' programmes, of which the most widespread is the RMI, currently at 2,400 FF/month ($410). The poverty level (defined as half the average wage for those aged 26 and over) is 3,900 FF/month (S670) 3. The Lambertist current is increasingly influential within FO
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