Our reform of the labour market
To everyone's surprise, calls for a
35 hour week have returned to the centre-stage in continental Europe.
François Vercammen
The German metalworkers union IG
Metall carried this demand forward in the
1980s, mobilising the rank and file in a powerful campaign which combined propaganda and workplace struggles its absence. At the EU's Luxembourg Employment Summit, ETUC once again bowed to the neoliberal policies of the European Commission and the EU Council of Ministers. In exchange, it received a little carrot - the promise of "social dialogue" with the Union of Industrial and Employers' Confederations of Europe, and the European Commission.
ETUC protests that it cannot go further than the national trade union leaders. Who have tried their best to block any vations about cuts in labour time. Most of the reduction in working hours since the early '80s has meant smaller salaries, and a terrible increase in the intensity of work. Men have been pushed to early retirement, and women obliged to accept part-time contracts. Productivity has increased dramatically, but the extra benefits have gone to shareholders, not workers.
With the balance of forces in their favour, and with generous state subsidies, many employers are imposing their own version of "labour market reform." The dramatic decline in social security contributions is threatening the whole
At the end of the 1990s, we face a top- spread of the French 35-hour "disease.
down movement: France's social-democratic government is bringing in fast- frightened that this would undermine track legislation for a shorter working
. To our surprise, he is implementing one of his electoral promises. Under
National trade union what is left of their "social co-ordination"
with the employers and the government.
The 35 hour week will only be achieved
The violent opposition of French employers to the Jospin government's plan for a 35 hour week may provide the spark which inflames the workers' movement in that country.
pressure from Italy's Refounded Commu- in conditions favourable to workers, if nists, the Prodi government has done the same. The two governments have even signed a declaration which fixes a pan- trade unions are beginning to realise this verbal war against the principle of
European horizon for their reform.
Could this be the beginning of a large, international struggle for cuts in labour time? Maybe. But there there is a real struggle. The more active and combative sectors of the European opportunity. These could be the first signs of the development of a new alternative line for the labour movement.
While the left was warning that Jospin would try to back down from his promises, the employers launched a Jospin's proposal, and sabotage against the timing of the reforms. The result was to unify different layers of workers, with
There have been demonstrations, con- different contractual status. The balance gresses, declarations and even strikes in of forces has swung towards the
Just like in the 1980s, social demofavour of the 35 hour week. But only workers cracy - in its political and trade union forms - is as still as stone. The call for a
35 hour week makes them perplexed, incredulous, even hostile. There is no sign that they want to seize this opportunity.
They are paralysed by their support for
European integration under the European Union - and by the opposite process of competition between EU member states. Schröeder, the social democratic candidate to replace Helmut Kohl as
Germany's Chancellor, was particularly cynical: "Jospin wants a 35 hour week?
touching a minority of workers, and without much contact between the various
What we need is a broad movement demanding a radical and generalised reduction in labour time, without loss of pay, with new jobs to absorb the hours "saved," and the conversion of part-time contracts into full-time for those who wish. This would mean much less overtime, and legal guarantees on maximum overtime, and double pay for extra hours. There
Neo-liberal economists say the solution to unemployment is to reduce budget deficits, interest rates and labour costs, so as to increase investments. We say the best solution is a rapid, sharp decline in working hours, without loss of pay. This would make it possible to re-absorb the mass of unemployed workers into the
The bourgeoisie has always resented the "laziness" of the common folk. For them, our free time is a lost opportunity should be no "annualisation" of working to exploit our labour power. For 150
Great news for the German economy!"
Once again, the European Trade Union
Confederation (ETUC) is conspicuous by
26 International Viewpoint #297 time and no more "flexibility." Workers years the length of the working week has