No more war against Iraq!
For most of its history, the Histadrut was "more" than a trade union, it was also the second largest employer in the country,
Thus, it was never a trade union in the
West European sense. The Trade Union
Department was but one of many of the
One country in the world has produ-
Working people in Iraq and worldced more weapons of mass destruction wide have no interest in defending
Histadrut's wings and sections, including than any other. This same country is the Saddam Hussein, who has committed companies - such as Solel Boneh consonly one which has ever used weapons the worst kind of butchery against his truction company, the HaPoel network of sports teams,
Fund), the Kibbutz movement, Bank Ha-
Poalim, Tnuva (marketing of agricultural produce), and others.
The Trade Union Department was by no means in a preferred or privileged role compared to the Histadrut's capitalist and quasi-capitalist enterprises. The role of the
Histadrut was to balance between capital and labour in order to promote Zionist aims (before 1948) or the interests of the of mass destruction against another people - at Hiroshima and Nagasaki.
It is the most transparent hypocrisy for the government of the United States to claim that it has some moral obligation to act as world policeman - as it did during the Gulf war and is again today -under the cover of keeping Saddam Hussein from developing weapons of mass destruction.
Whatever such weapons - or capability to develop them - the criminal own country's population and denies the right of self-determination for the Kurds.
But no one should have any illusions that Washington can be the liberator of Iraq. And this is the furthest thing from the minds of the Clinton administration. Indeed, as long as the embargo and threat of military retaliation remain it will be that much more difficult for any significant internal Iraqi opposition to
The main victim of the Gulf war and of
Zionist state, after its establishment. It Iraqi regime may have, are only the the present imperialist campaign is the fulfilled this role as one among other Zionist institutions.
The liberalisation of the economy, and the crises which rocked the economy in the last thirty years, deprived the Histadrut of its property assets one by one, starting in the 1980's and continuing on through the 1990's.
However, in a paradoxical fashion, these liberalising steps empowered the Trade Union Department of the Histadrut, for a very simple reason: as opposed to Kupat Holim, the industrial enterprises and the banks, the TUD could not be result of the aid Baghdad received from the U.S. and European powers when Saddam was seen as an ally in the region against the Iranian revolution and the rise of Islamic Fundamentalism.
Today the U.S., backed by others, is threatening to launch military strikes against Iraq again. Washington claims that its target is Hussein's failure to comply with U.N. resolutions. But the Clinton administration knows full well that it cannot force compliance through bombs and embargoes.
civilian population of Iraq. Already half a million children have died as a direct result of the blockade for want of basic food and medicine. How many more victims must there be before the world
We say: No more war against the people of Iraq! End the embargo now!
International Executive Committee 21 February 1998
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* Israel he is thought of as more extreme than most of the leaders the National-Religious Party who spearheaded the settlement drive in the territories which were occupied by Israel in 1967.
"Ne'eman is the most determined enemy of the working-class ever to amass power in Israel, a man who seeks to eradicate finally all the achievements of the working-class since the Histadrut was founded in 1920 ... He is not afraid to incite against the workers as part of a system of divide-and-rule and to bend public opinion to his purposes." (Haim Baram, writing in Kol Hair, 17-5-97).
Ne'eman's political positions are expressed in his proposed 1198 State Budget and his proposed Arrangements in the Economy Law (which is designed to facilitate various economic operations, such as the privatisation of the health care system), both of which will be voted upon by the Knesset in late December. The proposed laws would require retired people on pensions to pay National Insurance [social security] fees, although they have always been exempt from this till now; it would cut benefit payments for the first and second children, as well as privatisation of the health care system.
The health care system is a major government attack today. Ne'eman's bill proposes major structural changes in the National/State Health Insurance Law, which would allow the sick funds to collect additional fees from their members, the turning of the government hospitals into quasi-private corporations, and the privatisation of the geriatric hospitals. These changes would mean the destruction of the basket of health services and the abandonment of the poorest 60% of the population to severe illness and poor medical treatment. Two health care systems are being created - one for the rich and one for the poor. Poor, elderly persons suffering from severe illness but who can't afford the fees of the geriatric hospitals - will be thrown out into the streets without shelter.
By contrast, the proposed 1998 State Budget does not discriminate between rich and poor. The privatisation of state lands (93% of all land within the State of Israel), began under government - will continue, including the special benefits being given to the kibbutzim and moshavim, who are receiving a gift worth 907 New Israel Shekels (NIS) from the state treasury as a result of land privatisation. The proposed budget would also channel 300 million NIS into subsidies and benefits for the settlements, as well as promising a 10% increase in real terms to the Religious Affairs Ministry budget (53% of which goes to assist yeshiva students).
Indeed, the recent strike also revealed some worrying signs [about the "New Right" in Israel]. During the recent strike, the walls of Jerusalem were plastered with posters an ad hoc right- wing-group, Mateh, calling for the breaking of the strike, the purpose of which was "bring down against the nationalist government. "Up till now, the Israell Kight has been characterised by nationalism on the political level, and populism or conservativism on the social level. The traditional Right in Israel was able to link the nationalist ideology of the "whole land of Israel" and at least giving the appearance of social concern for the people of Israel. Now Maamatz has adopted a new approach which makes a very explicit connection between radical nationalism and opposition to workers organisations. The correct name for such an approach is: fascism. The silent left
The right to strike is not guaranteed by law in Israel. The state has the right to issue orders forcing workers who wish to
Analysis with Attitude work to remain on the job, and can even petition the courts to have a strike declared illegal. During the recent strike, the only used these government not
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Founded by Ernest Mandel, International Viewpoint is the world's largest international Marxist news and analysis magazine.
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possibilities, but Tel Aviv mayor Ronnie Milo [(who is known as a Likud "dove" on political matters, but is quite definitely social hawk)], even hired thugs to beat striking garbage workers. Like Prime Minister Rabin faced with Palestinian youth, Milo ordered the breaking ot bones. If the pictures of Milo's thugs had been broadcast from the occupied territories, the Israeli Left would have organised protests. But in this case, it was silent. * Notes 1 See: *Privatisation: Eight Lessons of Experience (2)." World Bank Policy Bulletin, Volume 3, No. 4 (AugustOctober, 1992). 2 Maxime Durand, "The Neoliberal Assault on the Public Sector," International Viewpoint, January 1998 3. Most of the economics commentators in the press supported Ne'eman; and the Labour Party leader, Ehud Barak, refrained from expressing any support for the Histadrut..
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