Danish workers still say "No" to EU
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Fourty-five percent of Danish voters rejected the European Union's Amsterdam Treaty in a referendum on May 28. This indicates an enormous gap between the electorate and the political establishment and a massive distrust of political leaders where the European Union is concerned. All "responsible" political parties, trade union and employers' leaders and almost all newspapers, called for a "Yes" vote. Åge Skovrind Opposition to the European Union (EU) and its policies is higher in Denmark than any other member state. Five referendums have been held since Denmark joined the European Community in 1972. In 1992, a majority rejected the Maastricht Treaty, sending shock waves through the Danish and European establishment.
The establishment was united behind the "Yes" campaign: the four parties recommending a "no" vote - the Socialist Peoples Party and Enhedslisten (Red-Green Alliance) on the left, and the nationalist Progress Party and Danish Peoples Party on the right, won only 18% of votes in the March 11 general election.
Because Danish opposition to the EU tends to express workers and social interests, the Social Democratic party (currently in government) has been particularly hit by these contradictions. Almost
Democrat said "No" in the referendum (slightly less than in 1993, when the Maastricht treaty, including exceptions for Denmark on four points, was approved in a second referendum.).
Obviously, right wing and nationalist forces played a significant role in the campaign against ratification of the Amsterdam Treaty. The Danish Peoples Party, which has recently emerged as the leading far right party, filled the streets with posters saying "Vote Danish, vote No". And the biggest-circulation newspaper, Ekstra Bladet, made an aggressive "No" campaign on a very narrow-minded basis.
At the same time, part of the left intelligentsia has abandoned its opposition to the European Union and turned to a "progressive" policy inside the Union framework. This tendency is reflected inside the Socialist Peoples Party whose parliamentary group was split 50-50. The official party line shifted to a "No," after a "Yes" recommendation in 1993
Social Democrats insisted that the
UGERS FERIE UGERS FE RIE EGERS FERIE GERS ERIE terms of peace, environment and employment. Since these are general aims, without any immediate implications, the debate shifted away from the social content of the European Union, towards issues like "national sovereignty", and "more or less Union?"
One month before the referendum, the Danish parlament approved the EU Schengen agreement on police co-operation and border controls, by a large majority and without any public debate. But, since the Amsterdam Treaty includes sections on Schengen and border controls, these questions could not be avoided in the referendum campaign.
The "yes" side insisted in the necessity of international co-operation against treaty represented an improvement in criminality. The left opponents of ratificahalf of those who normally vote Social
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Drs./US$19 per person per day in a twin-bed room, 4,750 Drs./$17 in a triple room. Camping tion argued against the creation of supranational bodies without any democratic control, entitled to register "suspicious" citizens, and against the construction of a Fortress Europe directed against immigrants and refugees. Right-wing opponents of the Treaty focused on the defence of the Danish border. Yes or no? Right or left?
For the government and the "responsible" opposition parties, a yes vote was the only way to continue the process of enlargement of the European Union towards Eastern Europe. We must not lose this "historical chance to help these states in their liberation from the communist heritage," they proclaimed. Apart from the Red-Green Unity list (Enhedslisten), most "No" campaigners support the perspective of integrating these states into the EU but argues that the Amsterdam treaty is not a precondition but an obstacle to a fair and full enlargement.
Finally, much discussion focused on the possible consequences of a "No" victory. The "Yes" side argued that Denmark would lose influence, or even be excluded from Europe. "No" campaigners" arguments varied - from "nothing happens, life goes on", to demands for new negotiations, to the perspective that Denmark would - again - be at the centre of European debate, creating the possibility to start a fresh discussion between member states about what kind of co-
In the end, the referendum result was a victory for the government. After two stormy months, including a police spying scandal and a private sector general strike, Prime Minister Poul Nyrup Rasmussen can relax again.
On March 12, Rasmussen's Social Democrats did much better than expected in the general elections, and Rasmussen was re-elected as Prime Minister.
A few weeks later, a majority of workers rejected the bargaining agreement proposed by union leadership and the employers federation, and went on strike demanding a full sixth week of paid
After 10 days, the government together with the right wing opposition stopped the strike by law. Despite widespread union disagreement, no serious action was taken in response -mainly because the absence of a left current inside the unions.
However, new political challenges will come up. The government does not have a parliamentary majority, and will have to negotiate every piece of legislation with one or other of the opposition parties. The European question will remain at the centre of the political debate.
New referendums are likely, if the government attempts to abandon Danish exceptions from the Maastricht treaty (in particular the country's non-participation in the common currency), or if future EU summits propose further reactionary contents europe
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