FSLN re-elects Ortega
* Nicaragua Lisa Zimmerman reports from the recent congress of Nicaragua's Sandinistas When former president Daniel Ortega told the Nicaraguan people that the Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN) would "rule from below" after their 1990 electoral defeat, few supporters questioned his logic. The Sandinistas were braced for a frontal assault by the Chamorro administration, and were gearing up for a battle to defend the sweeping changes they had achieved in the areas of land reform, health care, and education during the 1980's. The mandate from the FSLN's base seemed clear: to oppose government policies aimed at reconcentrating wealth and property; create an alternative to the neoliberal economic model being imposed by the international financial institutions; and, devise an electoral strategy to win the 1996 national elections.
The complexity of the challenge facing the FLN became apparent within weeks of their handing over power. Differences of opinion among party leaders - both on questions of strategy and philosophy -about how to fulfil this mandate set the stage for an identity crisis that in large measure remains unresolved today. The debate over whether the party should be working constructively with the government to create stability or defending the interests of the poor majority organising strikes and protests highlighted the difficulty of reconciling the various roles that the party was expected to play.
The FSLN's second electoral defeat in 1996 by Arnoldo Aleman, former mayor of Managua supported by associates of the Somoza dictatorship as well as the Somoza family itself, has brought this debate to the fore once again. Goodbye to "vanguardism"?
Another unforeseen difficulty had to do with readjusting the FSLN's internal structures and work style to the new political reality. While it was generally accepted during the 1970's and 1980's that the FSLN be run in a top-down fashion due to the demands of war, many members saw the 1990 defeat as an opportunity to democratise the party and develop new leadership. Significant changes were implemented during the early part of the 1990's, such as the election of all leadership posts within the party. But a majority of the historic Sandinista leaders found it difficult to let go of the vanguardist tradition.
The FSLN Congress, the highest decision-making body of the party, convened on May 22-23 to elect new leader12 International Viewpoint #303 ship and discussed proposed reforms to the party statutes. Faced with growing attrition among the party membership and serious ethical charges against its principal leader, the Congress was initially expected to put in motion a number of changes aimed at continuing the democratisation at the FSLN and rejuvenating its base.
The sharp decline in the population's support for the Aleman government as a result of alleged involvement in drug trafficking scandals, as well as its wholesale capitulation to the unrealistic demands of the International Monetary Fund, has been viewed by many observers as an opportunity for the FSLN to reactivate its membership and reaffirm its legitimacy among the Nicaraguan people as a viable political option for the 2001 elections.
Discussions about the nature of the changes that would be made in the Congress began over six months ago. A committee was appointed, which, in consultation with both the party leadership and base, developed a document entitled "A Proposal for the Transformation of the FSLN." The document represented an effort to "modernise" the party's positions on issues such as socialism, foreign investment, private property, and the environment, as well as to reshape party structures to allow for greater representation for the popular sectors and members active at the departmental and municipal levels of the FSLN. A second proposal called for the elimination of the National Directorate, replacing it with a number of secretariats, such as the Secretariat of Electoral Issues and Secretariat of Finances.
The debates prior to the Congress were relatively limited, making it difficult to determine how much party members supported these proposals, and making it appear that the leadership opposed any sort of significant change. The "transformation document" was discussed at three "mini-Congresses" in the weeks before the Congress, but fewer than 50% of the delegates actually participated. Ortega's "family matters" matter
The limited debate was in any case almost completely overshadowed by the allegations of sexual abuse brought against FSLN Secretary General Daniel Ortega by his stepdaughter Zoilamerica Narvaez in early March. In a letter published in the Nicaraguan media, Narvaez accused Ortega of sexually and psychologically abusing for the twenty years, beginning when she was eleven years-old. She has since filed criminal charges of sexual abuse, rape, and sexual harassment against Ortega, who is protected by parliamentary immunity, and unlikely to stand trial for these charges.
This scandal provoked an almost immediate closing of ranks, with both the FSLN leadership and large sectors of the rank and file dismissing the allegations as a political conspiracy to destroy Ortega. Moreover, the party has argued that the case is a "family matter," eliminating the possibility that the charges will be taken up by the FLN Ethics Commission.
Nevertheless, the scandal has served to highlight many of the obstacles that the FSLN faces: the "cult of personality" that has formed around Ortega; the failure of established mechanisms in the party to deal with charges of ethical failings against its members, and entrenched patriarchal attitudes and values. The editor of the political journal Envio, Maria Lopez Vigil, observed that the leadership's response to the allegations demonstrated that the FLN "was not prepared to face and reflect maturely" about a crisis of this
With these weaknesses exposed, many party members - including individuals in the upper echelons of leadership - began to questions the wisdom of maintaining the status quo. Several members of the National Directorate, including historic com-batants Bayardo Arce and Monica Baltodano, chose not to run for re-election. In explaining her choice to retire from this post, Baltodano is quoted as saying, "I would rather be a dreamer than a killer of dreams." Even with this growing dissatisfaction, few party members felt the time was right to openly oppose or challenge Ortega's continued leadership
As the date of the Congress neared, expectations that profound changes would result from the meeting dissipated. The party leadership itself admitted that the work of this Congress would be limited to electing the new National Directorate and reforming the by-laws. In other words, it was generally accepted that the Congress would reform - rather than transform - the existing party structure. National Directorate member Victor Hugo Tinoco argued that "the party has already been greatly democratised - all of the leadership positions are elected; what we have to do now is perfect the system." Under-represented groups...
Even with these lowered expectations for the Congress, a number of proposals were put forward aimed at creating space within the structures for traditionally under-represented proposed that the minimum quota for female representation in party leadership bodies and on electoral slates be raised from 30 to 40%. The Sandinista Youth submitted a similar proposal calling for the youth quota (for members under 30 years old) to be increased from 15 to 20%. Also proposed was the expansion of the National Directorate from 15 to 20 members, with the intention of incorporating leaders of various popular sectors and the business community into this body. There was a move to increase the percentage of delegates elected to the Congress at the departmental level, as well as a call to guarantee 30 seats in the Sandinista Assembly for representatives of popular organisations.
The Congress itself, while bringing no major surprises in terms of changes made to the party structure, clearly exposed the tensions that have developed between the "old guard" and those sectors who believe that a transformation is crucial to the FSLN's survival. While the orthodox sector of the party led by Daniel Ortega and Tomas Borge undoubtedly came out ahead in the Congress, their efforts to preserve the status quo were met with more than just nominal resistance.
The tension between these currents was most apparent during the debates that took place over the proposed reforms to the party statutes. ...stay under-represented
The proposals to increase the quotas for women and youth were both defeated. Because the youth quota was only defeated by three votes, delegates from the Sandinista Youth demanded a re-vote. Vice-Secretary General Tomas Borge, who presided over the Congress, agreed to this request, albeit somewhat reluctantly. When the delegates voted a second time, the measure was passed by 60 votes. Hoping to duplicate the successful efforts of the youth, a group of women immediately demanded that their proposal (which had been defeated by 68 votes) also be reconsidered. Debate on this issue quickly became heated and chaotic. To re-establish order in the Congress, Borge referred the request to the Electoral Commission. Claiming that party statutes do not allow for re-votes, the commission ruled against the women's demand and declared the re-vote on the youth initiative null and void
Those delegates who sought to increase the participation of individuals active at the departmental and local level were more successful in having their initiatives passed. It was decided that the Congress would be expanded from 600 to 717 members, 70% of whom will be elected at the departmental level. The Sandinista Assembly, which is the highest decision-making body of the party between Congresses, was also expanded from 120 to 200 members; 70 of whom will be elected at the departmental level, 30 by various popular organisations, and 25 by the Congress. The remaining 75 members will be comprised of members of the National Directorate, Political Secretaries, a number of FSLN representatives in the National Assembly and Central American Parliament, and other FSLN members with public posts or significant positions within the party. The only leadership body that was not expanded was the National Directorate, which continues to have 15 The new top...
The results of the elections for National Directorate, and in particular for the positions of Secretary General and Vice-Secretary General, are perhaps the clearest evidence of the orthodox current's continued dominance within the party. Ortega was re-elected as Secretary General (having run unopposed) with 418 out of 423 votes. Borge was also re-elected to the post of Vice-Secretary General, but only by a slight margin over Victor Hugo Tinoco.
Tinoco's candidacy was extremely controversial, given that it was a direct effort to dethrone the only surviving founder of the FSLN in order to create space for a new generation of Sandinista leaders.
Although unsuccessful in his attempt to affect change at the highest levels of the party, Tinoco is credited with reaffirming the democratic principle that it is acceptable to challenge historic leaders. This principle was first established in the 1994 Congress when Henry Ruiz ran against Ortega for Secretary General.
The election of the other members of the National Directorate was less controversial, with the exception of the candidacy of Herty Lewites. Lewites formally broke with the FSLN in 1995 to join the Sandinista Renovation Movement (MRS) and unsuccessfully ran for the mayor of Managua in 1996. Having re-joined the FSLN last year, a number of leaders believed that as a member of the National Directorate Lewites could help to re-unify the party and strengthen its relationship with the business community.
In the end, he was not elected, primarily because the by-laws stipulate that candidates for the National Directorate must have been a member of the party for the past five years. ...and broader leadership
There was significant turnover in the membership of the National Directorate; only four of the new members were on the previous Directorate (Ortega, Borge, Tinoco, and Rene Nunez). This was due mostly to the fact that the majority of the outgoing members chose not to run for re-
Edgardo Garcia of the Farm Workers' Association (ATC) and Benigna Mendiola of the National Union of Farmers and Ranchers (UNAG) were the only two members of the National Directorate who ran for re-election and lost.
The remainder of the newly-elected National Directorate is comprised of a mixture of historical figures, such as Father Miguel D' Escoto, Gladys Baez, and Doris Tijerino, and new faces, including Sandinista Youth leaders Vladimir Soto, Maria Ester Solis, and Roberto Calderon. Other National Directorate members include national Assembly deputy and former head of the FLN Ethics Commission, Reverend Miguel Angel Casco; businessman Manuel Coronel; leader of the health workers' union, Gustavo Porras; National Assembly deputy from Matagalpa, Martha Heriberta Valle; and representative of the cultural workers union, Emilia Torres.
Toward the end of the Congress, another episode of near-chaos occurred during a discussion about FSLN-owned businesses and property. Political Secretary for Managua Emmett Lang submitted a proposal which would bar any FSLN member who holds a public post from managing an FSLN-owned business.
Delegates, including sociologist Orlando Nunez Soto, immediately pointed out that this proposal was based on the assumption that the FSLN did in fact own businesses, and demanded full disclosure of the party's assets.
The party leadership has consistently denied that the FLN owns businesses, with the exception of Radio Sandino and the now-bankrupt newspaper Barricada. At one point during the debate, a delegate, apparently offended by the motion, marched up to the table where the executive council of the Congress was seated and tore the written proposal to pieces. Although the proposal was passed, the leadership gave no indication that a report of FSLN assets was forthcoming
Despite the tensions that have developed in the party, the Congress voted nearly-unanimously in support of the FSLN's continued identification as a socialist party, defining socialism as attempt to provide all Nicaraguans with a dignified life, access to employment, health care, housing, culture, sports, and in general terms, to establish a just distribution of wealth by taking advantage of the country's natural resources." While there
Canadian choice
* Nicaragua is a consensus that the FLN's ideology should be "modernised to reflect the current reality", there was no explicit call to move the party in a more social democratic direction. Transformation or stagnation?
It is still too early to determine whether this Congress was a sign of the ongoing transformation of the FLN or a sign of its stagnancy. Much depends on the leadership's willingness and ability to create processes and forums for the continued analysis and discussion of the problems facing the FSLN. The party's future also depends on the type of action taken by those sectors dissatisfied with the outcome of the Congress.
It appears unlikely that there will be any sıgniticant of division in the party, primarily because there are few viable alternatives being articulated. Henry Petrie and William Rodriguez, the two members of the FSLN Managua committee removed from their posts for their open support of Zoilamerica Narvaez, have started the "Initiative for the Resurgence of Sandi-
La movement to address the FSLN's "ethical crisis" and "lack of strategic vision" from within the party structures. While many Sandinistas may agree in principle with their goals, few are willing to identify with this movement. Widespread retreat from party activism
Instead, it is becoming more common for disillusioned members of the FSLN to retire from the formal structures, and to shift their energies into social movements that continue to espouse allegiance to sandinismo. People like human rights activist Vilma Nunez, who challenged Daniel Ortega for the 1996 presidential candidacy to promote the democratisation of the party. She chose not to attend the Congress because she felt that there was no opening for change. In an open letter, she emphasised that, although she will not participate in any leadership body, she will not leave the party and will continue to defend the principles of the FSLN with her work with the poor majority.
Orlando Nunez Soto estimates that 80% of those Nicaraguans who identify themselves as Sandinistas are not currently active within the party. He does not consider this to be a negative phenomenon, but rather a sign of the limitations of modern political parties. Because such a high number of this 80% are involved in promoting social justice as members of civil society, their efforts outside the party complement the goals of the FSLN, while breaking the dependency on the party leadership to develop strategies and initiate change. Ultimately, Nunez predicts, the FSLN leadership will have to transform the party if it is to continue to be a vital part of the progressive movement.
According to Nunez, the gains of the revolution are still alive, even if not always within the FSLN itself. * The author can be contacted via the USA-based Nicaragua Network at <nicanet@igc.apc.org 14 International Viewpoint #303