• LO and LCR are not new parties. Why is this list suddenly possible?
Everyone on the left knows about the differences between our two parties, particularly concerning the type of organisation we want to build, and the way our militants should implement "the line" on a day to day basis. This isn't some politicians agreement which covers up those differences. But there are clearly enough common points for us to collaborate in these elections.
We urgently need an alternative to Maastricht Europe, with its 20 million unemployed and 60 million poor, the expansion of part time and unstable contracts, its anti-ecological and anti-democratic policies. Instead of a monetary union, on financial criteria, we want a social Europe, based on social criteria.
LO and LCR faced an exceptional situation. We needed to act, and act together, to show that there is an alternative to the "plural left" government. That left politicians can and should implement
French left unity audacious measures to reduce unemployment, marginalisation and job insecurity.
• What are the main elements of your campaign?
France's largest far-left groups have united for the European elections in June. Polls show 5-8% support for the list led by
Alain Krivine (LCR) and Arlette Laguiller (LO).
We asked Alain Krivine about their campaign, and what they will do if elected.
by Laure Favières
• What are the main challenges for this common list?
Krivine: To make visible, electorally, a current of opinion which is already present in the social sphere: the current of French opinion which is against the right-wing parties, against the far-right, and also against the policies of the current, "plural left" government.
This current has been present in social struggles since 1995. But. on the political front, it has remained marginal - apart from the respectable vote which
Arlette Laguiller won in the last presidential elections, and a good score for our two organisations in the regional elections in early 98.
•The opinion polls give you 8% support. Is that realistic?
Let's be prudent about these opinion polls. The only important question is whether we pass the 5% barrier, the minimum to take any seats in the European parliament. For the first time a vote for the far left would seem useful and credible, not just a protest vote.
Make no mistake, if we get more than
5%, it will be a real event, both in France and at the European level.
To the left of the institutional parties there will at last be a credible force which rejects all the capitalist and
2 inte onal Viewpoint #309 March 1999 neoliberal policies being applied across Europe, by governments of left and right.
A good score will also be a warning, to the employers, and to the "plural left government. Their obedience to the laws of the market will cost them something! • Communist Party leader Robert Hue says the LO-LCR list seeks to weaken his Party.
Our campaign isn't aimed against the Communist Party as such. But it is certainly aimed against that party's current leadership. The fundamental goal of our list is to organise a front of all those who are ready to resist the right and the far right - these are our major enemies.
We are obliged to oppose the policies of the "plural left" government, in which the Communist Party participates. Their government refuses to respond to the attacks from employers. On the contrary, it goes along with them.
The top of the Communist Party participates in government, but the base of the party is often present alongside us in social mobilisations against those poli-
That party's balancing act cannot last for long. That's why the CP is in crisis.
Many voters, or former voters for the Communist Party feel more attracted to the LO-LCR policies than to those of Robert Hue. Good!
Employment is the central focus, much of the rest follows from this. The rise in urban violence and support for the far right is, fundamentally, linked to persistent mass unemployment and the lack of a future for so many people. Thirty years ago, there were 200,000 unemp loyed people in France, and the tascists scored 1% in elections. Today there are three million unemployed, and the fascists score 15%.
Cuts in the working week, without flexibilisation, annualisation or salary cuts, can create one million new jobs. The amount of overtime registered in 1998 is equivalent to 600,000 full time jobs! The bosses want to use compulsory overtime to avoid the introduction of a 35 hour week. We should make that impossible. A left government could make overtime work so expensive for the employers that they would stop using it.
It all depends, of course, whether you want to stay within the framework of capitalist logic, or confront the bosses. We want to see new taxes on financial transactions and on capital. Lets reform the tax system, end the tax cuts for employers, and increase their share of the tax burden! Drain the wealth of the rich, and redistribute it through a job-creation programme! That will require popular mobilisation and confrontations with the employers. But it can be done.
We will also put forward the demands of the sans-papiers (undocumented immigrants), of women, the unemployed and the homeless. We know, too, that our society's social deficit is also an ecological deficit. Who suffers most from the noise pollution of modern cities: the rich in the suburbs or or those in the inner cities?
contents europe
2
France: Left unity in
Euroelections
• Interview with Alain Krivine
Greece: School in the streets
4
• • Andreas Sartzekis
Portugal: "Beginning again"
5 with the new Left Bloc
• Fernando Batista
5 Basque protests, left advances
The new list is led by Lutte ouvrière spokeswoman Arlette Laguiller (left) and Alan Krivine, spokesman of the Ligue communiste révolutionnaire (right). • How is the campaign progressing?
It is too early to tell for sure, but there are countless positive echoes and signs -from those around us, and from our own supporters. People don't perceive this as a "Trotskyist unity list," but as the only non-governmental, anti-capitalist left option. "100% left", some call it.
People who would not have voted LO or LCR in the past now see this list as a useful tool. Some are already helping us with posters, meetings, leaflets. Inside the LCR The LCR spent several months debating the joint list with LO, culminating in a national conference on January 16th.
The common list was approved by 79%, and the motion on how the campaign would be organised was approved by 76%. Motions rejecting the common list won 1419% of the vote. Four percent of delegates supported a third option, which would have concentrated more on the LCR's own European project.
Participation in the preparatory meetings for this congress was high by LCR standards, with 13% more comrades than participated in the last regular congress. This reflects a significant growth in the membership of the organisation over the last 12 months.
In a separate congress the same weekend, LO supporters also approved the common list. Their vote was virtually unanimous. [FO/R] *
• Who are the candidates?
Our list of candidates reflects our various struggles. Most of our candidates are women, including 8 of the first 10 positions. Our candidates come from all walks of life, including immigrants, and two candidates active in other countries of the European Union. • Why should anyone vote for the LO-LCR list?
To show that the balance of forces is changing, that there is a radical, anticapitalist wing of the movement which has no confidence in the "plural left" government. lo demand a job, a roof. health, education. To reject nationalism and the Europe which is being built above us. The more votes we get, the less people will be discouraged about defending themselves.
These elections are a step towards the construction of a new anti-capitalist force which will not be confined to the far left, but will attract anti-capitalist militants currently working in the Communist and Socialist parties or the Greens. And the much larger group of people who are skeptical about all the parties, and concentrate their energies on the trade union movement, single issue campaigns and voluntary sector activities.
A good vote will enable us to send deputies to the European Parliament. It is an institution without any power, but we can use the credibility of parliamentary status to gain information, and get media coverage when we denounce the secret structures of the Europe which is being planned for us.
We will use our positions as a tribune for the social movements, and use the resources at our disposal to build those movements. In voting for us, people are voting for themselves! * Source: Rouge, 4 February 1999 cover story
Colombia's road to peace
6
Introduction • Ernesto Herrera
7
Interview with FARC leader
Manuel Marulanda Velez
("Tirofijo")
10
Manuel Perez Martinez:
Priest, guerilla, Marxist
• Zbigniew Kowalewski americas
USA: Abortion under attack
16
• Dianne Feeley
18 Labor Party Convention
• John Hinshaw
The Labor Party and the big
18 picture
• Jane Slaughter and Rodney
Ward
20 Canada: Quebec's inertia
• Robbie Mahood
21 Quebec's left parties asia
Sri Lanka: Wave of violence
22
• P. Sandanam
23 The JVP (People's Liberation
Front)
24 Pakistan: Trade unions suspended • Farooq Tariq
25 China: Human rights situation worsens • Jun Xing
26 Jordan: The king is dead
• Waleed Kenaan
28 Philippines: Mindanao conflict escalates • Chris Gaerlan
29 India: Health and safety history
The rational holocaust
30
Against pessimism
31
• Ernest Mandel reviews
32 Conference listing
34 Obituaries
35
Books
36 Left press, Internet
International Viewpoint #308 February 1999 3
baso lo lzil tuO the ensuing panic, twice as many students registered for private courses.
Under the new rules, students who fail will no longer be able to repeat their final year. Definitively rejected by the education system, they face a future of unskilled jobs and unemployment.
Students, and many parents, reacted angrily, demanding the complete rejection of the reform.Inspired by the wave of student struggles in France, protests spread across the country.
Younger students joined in, with school occupations becoming the standard method of protest. By
Christmas over half the schools were affected, and neither side was willing to concede.
Talks (and roads) blocked
Education Minister Arsenis made matters worse with an arrogant approach. He refused to recognise the students' deep concerns for their own future. And by refusing to open any talks until the occupations ended, he created a blockage where concession would be seen as defeat.
In the face of this intransigence, the students escalated their protest. "If we are ignored when we occupy our schools," they argued, "then we will come out and occupy the streets." Demonstrations and road blockages became daily events.
By prolonging the dispute, and raising the temperature, Arsenis created perfect conditions for the gradual extension and deepening of the protest movement. Local and national coordination structures were established, with a mandate to establish a unified bargaining strategy by the end of the Christmas