Zapatista referendum
* Mexico Almost three million Mexicans participated in a March 21 makeshift referendum on indigenous rights called by the Zapatista National Liberation Army (EZLN). Peter Gellert The turnout was more than twice as large as a previous referendum held in August 1996, reflecting better organization and a more balanced geographical distribution of support for the rebel cause. In 1996 the vast majority of votes were cast in the EZLN stronghold of Chiapas and Mexico City.
The referendum also introduced two new features in Mexican politics: allowing those over the age of 12 to participate and organizing voting in Mexican communities abroad, a keenly felt demand among the 12% of Mexican citizens who live in the United States. In this latter effort, polling stations for the referendum were installed in 156 foreign cities, with 30,000 Mexicans voting, mostly in the United States.
The referendum itself was a tactical gamble by the EZLN, conscious of the need to move the stalled peace process forward, given the Mexican governments strategy of wearing down the Zapatista communities and public opinion, with occasional military moves designed to reverse rebel gains and terrorize the civilian population. Thousands Involved
In organizing the referendum, some 1,500 brigades or organizing committees were established, involving more than 20,000 activists. More than 60,000 were involved in activities on the day of the voting, mainly poll watching. This was a huge mobilization of active support for the Zapatista cause.
But the most impressive aspect of the referendum process was the EZLNs decision to send 5,000 of its members— 50% of them women-from Chiapas to municipalities throughout Mexico. The presence of these Indian activists gave local activists the opportunity and responsibility to organize literally thousands of activities in the week preceding the vote, effectively putting the Chiapas issue back on the front burner in Mexican political life.
For example, in my district in Mexico City, in less than one week 40 different outreach activities were organized for the 10 visiting Zapatistas, ranging from meetings with neighborhood groups and 18 International Viewpoint #311 May 1999 trade unionists, to dialogues with different sectors of civil society. Indians, with their native dress and sporting black ski masks, provided many comical moments and unique photo opportunities.
These included a rally on the U.S. border with Zapatistas having one foot in each country, a soccer match in Mexico City against former first-division pros, mixing with bikini glad sunbathers in Acapulco, sustaining a dialogue with punk youth or meeting with business leaders in the posh Industrialists Club in Mexico City. Of particular importance for the rebel cause were the contacts established with other indigenous communities, particularly in Oaxaca, Veracruz, Mexico City, and northern Mexico. Zapatistas Join with Students,
The Zapatista presence also coincided with struggles at the National Autonomous University of Mexico (UNAM)Mexicos largest institution of higher learning—against higher tuition fees, and the fight against the partial privatization of the country's electrical industry, led by the combative Mexican Electrical Workers Union (SME). Masked Zapatista Indians took part in the 100,000 strong demonstration on March 18 and were enthusiastically received protesting trade unionists.
In response to this huge groundswell of activity over a four-month period and the open presence of masked Zapatista rebels throughout the country, the government and the mass media, and sectors of the Catholic church hierarchy, orchestrated a huge campaign against the EZLN in general and the referendum in particular.
The tone was set by Interior Minister Francisco Labastida, who attacked the initiative for being one sided and its results foregone conclusion. The government pressured TV and radio stations to downplay or ignore the referendum.
The campaign around the referendum had to contend with government surveillance and selective repression in seven states (and minor incidents in others), including intimidation from right-wing paramilitary groups, the army, and the local units of the ruling Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) which forced voting to be cancelled in several rural municipalities.
Beyond the impressive turnout, the results of the four questions (on the place of the Indian peoples in Mexican society, on including indigenous rights in the Constitution, on acceptance of the San Andres peace accords, and on demilitarization of Chiapas) were no surprise. The referendum was an official EZLN activity—although backed by civil society and left-of-center opposition parties such as Cuauhtemoc Cardenas Party of the Democratic Revolution— and attacked by the mainstream media and authorities. Those participating tended to be supporters of the rebel cause (only 2% voted no on the questions). But the high turnout was widely viewed as a barometer of Zapatista support and the EZLN'ss mobilizing ability.
EZLN leaders hailed the referendum as a call for peace in Chiapas, an advance for the rebel cause, and a success of civil society. * Source: Mexican Labor News and Analysis, April 2, 1999 Vol. IV, No. 6. MLNA can be viewed at the UE's international web site: www.igc.apc.org/unitedelect/ For information about direct subscriptions, submission of articles, and all queries contact editor Dan La Botz at <103144.2651@compuserve.com> Split in the PRT
We regret to announce that a part of the Mexican forces which identify with the Fourth International have again spi writes the International Executive Committee of the Fourth International This only adds one more obstacle to the recomposition of the revolutionary movement in this country, and comes at a time when the democratic and popular struggles are gaining energy again, the Zapatista referendum on 21 Man on respect for the rights of indigen
This latest split in the Revolution Workers Party (Partido Revoluciona de los Trabajadores-PRT) is the resu of political and methodologica differences, which became public in the last months of 1998.
It represents a step backwards for our movement, above all because testifies to a lack of tolerance and insufficient determination to create a unitary politica differences could be expressed, withou the need for a split.
Faced with this situation, International Executive Committee of the Fourth International has decided to make public its decision that none of the Mexican organisations which identify with the International represent it, neither "officially" nor unofficially. The IEC has also decided to prepare a discussion on the balance sheet of building the revolutionary party in Mexico.
Meanwhile, the IEC will maintain fraternal relations with the two currents which call themselves PRT, with the Socialist Unity League (LUS) and with all those individual comrades in Mexico who continue to identify with the Fourth International. [IEC] *
FREEDOM FOR MUMIA
USA * portionately of Blacks and other people of color.
In addition to Mumia there are scores of political prisoners in U.S. jails-people who have been imprisoned not primarily for any real or imagined criminal acts, but because they are committed to fighting for an end to oppression in the U.S.A., and to that country's role in the oppression of other peoples throughout the world.
Last October, ignoring overwhelming evidence of misconduct at his original trial and a large body of evidence which has since emerged to cast an even greater doubt about the legitimacy of its verdict, the Pennsylvania Supreme Court turned down Mumia's appeal for a new trial.
This creates an emergency situation in his case. Without a favorable intervention by the federal courts (something which is far from certain) Mumia could be executed within a year.
In truth, as Mumia, his legal team, and his supporters all state, his fate rests with our collective capacity to make the price of his political murder too high for the ruling powers to pay.
LIBERTÉ POUR MUMIA
What happens to Mumia Abu-Jamal will have global repercussions. Already his • case has generated substantial protests in the U.S. and around the world. Major mobilizations are scheduled to take place on April 24 in Philadelphia and San Francisco, as well as internationally.
We call on all members and