* European Union Europe's left and green parties are divided in their response to the Kosovo crisis. François Vercammen reports In September 1998 Gerhardt Schroeder promised that "German troops would only go outside our frontiers if they have a UN mandate." But the country's new Chancellor used the recent SPD congress to block a left-wing motion opposing any NATO ground war in Yugoslavia. Schroeder successfully imposed a motion approving the bombing though without counting the votes for
In response, the left within the SPD went public with its opposition to the war. Federations in Bremen, SchleswigHolstein and Munich issued proclamations, as did the "Frankfurt Circle" (led by Detler von Larcher) and eight SPD members of parliament, including Andrea Nahles, president of the Party's youth wing (Yusos). Former minister Oskar Lafontaine has also condemned the war.
In Britain, eleven Labour Members of Parliament, mostly from the socialist "Campaign Group" voted against the government on 19 April. Most are very anti-NATO, but say little about Milosevic's regime and its Kosovo policy. Tony Benn MP opposes the "war of aggression" on the basis that use of force hasn't been authorised by the United Nations, He believes that a peace conference convened by the UN is the
The other wing of the traditional socialist left, led by former London Council leader Ken Livingstone, are outspoken supporters of the NATO bombings. Livingstone compares Milosevic to Hitler. The US has no "imperial plan" in the region and therefore can be supported, he argues. "It is the duty of the nations that have the military power to protect individual communities from systematic genocide by evil regimes Where the West has the power and uses it wisely, I will support that intervention"
The anti-war left has won widespread 8 International Viewpoint #312 June 1999 leader Armando Cossuta, and dissidents within the DS and PPI. Gu With pro-NATO leaders like former pro Prime Minister Filipe Gonzalez and mel current NATO president Javier Solana, uns Spain's social democrats (PSOE) support gov the conservative government's prointervention discourse. Only three PSOE the support in the cultural world. Those MPs, from the Socialist Left current of t condemning NATO include the presti- abstained in the vote approving Spanish MP gious New Left Review, the writer participation in the NATO campaign. Harold Pinter, filmmaker Ken Loach, and stat feminist writer Germaine Greer. Greens abo
The Scottish National Party and the The war is the first real challenge for D'A Wales Party (Plaid Cymru) are also those Greens in government (France, opposed to NATO intervention. Both Germany, Italy) and those, like the tim parties describe themselves as social Belgian Greens, who hope to share nat democratic, and are to the left of Blair's power soon. In the face of ethnic clean- bott New Labour on many issues. sing which reminds many Europeans of Dut
French Prime Minister Lionel Jospin the rise of fascism in the 1930s, many to has had little difficulty containing Greens have theorised the need for a gov dissidents within the ruling Socialist "humanitarian war". But there is a clear Party. The Socialist Left current (Gauche distinction between those who are just the socialiste) of Gérard Filoche, Jean-Luc confused, and those who have cons- to i Melanchon and Julien Dray has spoken ciously decided to join the establishment, leac out against the NATO bombing and in whatever the cost. deb favour of Kosovar rights. But they focus The lies, manoeuvres and treachery gov their criticism on "US tutorship", rather has been particularly painful for part than on France's SP-led government. Germany's Greens, with their leader
Jean-Pierre Chevenement's Citizen's Joschka Fischer at the centre of the Bel Movement (MDC), a dissident faction German imperialist government. Many call outside the socialist party, but strongly members and local leaders are leaving trac represented in the government, has a the party. Others openly oppose their rea much clearer anti-war position. Though party's pro-war discourse. Seven Green cal MDC leaders like Sami Nair's continue deputies (including Christian Ströbele link to stress their loyalty to the Jospin and Annelie Butenbach) voted against Ser government. military intervention on 26 March. Ko
There was little initial support for the Environment Minister Gila Altman has Th NATO intervention in Italy, though a refused to resign after she criticised majority of voters seem to support NATO German participation in the NATO Ag bombing. The first to speak out against aggression. In Tübingen, Green leader for the bombings were the Refounded Claudia Haydt has resigned. Some of act Communists (PRC) and the Pope. Italy is these anti-war Greens have since joined "co a key base for the NATO intervention, the ex-Communist PDS and centre-left Prime Minister Massimo Over 700 members of the Greens Th D' Alema has manoeuvred hard to signed Uli Cremer's open letter maintain elite consensus and public protesting the party's "Crossing of the the support for the intervention. Rubicon. is
Italy's government is an unusually France's Greens are a solid Sta broad coalition, within which a number component of Jospin's left coalition All of left currents have criticised D'Alema, government. Party spokesman Daniel cen though stop short of anything that could Cohn-Bendit and Green MP Noël tri bring down the government. 119 of Mamère are NATO's most jingoistic Bel Italy's 630 MPs have demanded a NATO supporters. More than 70% of National lea ceasefire, opposed a ground intervention, Committee members approved a resolu- Mi and condemned ethnic cleansing tion calling for the transformation of though stressing their "loyal and total Kosovo into a protectorate (a "humanitasupport for the government." This rian zone"), with a police presence to dissident platform has been signed by all separate the two sides, aid to refugees, the Green MPs, supporters of ex-PRC and a Balkan conference.
The party was totally opposed to the Gulf war, so this shift in policy is provoking widespread unease among the members. But the party leadership is unshaken in its loyalty to the Jospin government.
The minority of Greens who oppose the war are led by Martine Billard (one of the party's four spokespersons) and MP M.-H. Aubert.
Italy's Green MPs have all signed a statement demanding a ceasefire (see above) and threaten to walk out of the D'Alema government —"next time"
The war comes at an inconvenient time for Belgian greens. With regional, national and European elections in June, both the French-speaking Ecolos and the Dutch-speaking Agalev were preparing to enter national and government as junior coalition partners.
The pacifist origins of these parties in the early 1980s make it hard for leaders to impose a more "realist" line. Green leaders were silent in the parliamentary debate on the war. Luckily for them, government didn't allow a vote on participation in the NATO campaign.
At the start of the NATO bombing, Belgian greens supported what they called a "humanitarian intervention." But traditional anti-war sentiments have reasserted themselves. Ecolo is now calling for "an end to the bombing linked to the simultaneous withdrawal of Serbian forces and the militias of the Kosovo Liberation Army (UCK)." Though none of the party's MPs has signed this new statement. On 2 April, between these parties, in the European parliament and in ad hoc conferences, there seems to be little consensus or appetite for coordinated activities.
There is a broad spectrum of opinion and engagement in the anti-war movement, with the Greek KKE the most militant and anti-NATO, and the French Communist party the most hesitant and inactive. Obviously, a NATO ground intervention could stimulate many more CP members across Europe into anti-war
Greece has strong traditions of antiBritish and anti-American sentiments, which fuel anti-imperialist consciousness. So does US support for Turkey, and Greece's cultural and economic ties with
The KKE has always been pro-Milosevic, even supporting the notorious ethnic cleansers Arkan and Karadzic. But the party's large implantation, particularly in the labour movement, has enabled it to play a decisive role in real mass mobilisations against the war. Soldiers and sailors have refused to be mobilised. There have been occupations of airports, and blockades of US ships in
The leadership of the French CP has tried to reassure both anti-war militants and its partners in government. All criticism of NATO is balanced by statements that the party is absolutely committed to remaining in the Jospin government!
Italy's Refounded Communists have the potential to organise massive resistance to the war. After successful political mobilisations against the NATO bombings, with demonstrations of 4080,000, the party is well placed to organise any future social protests against the war. Any land intervention would stop the trade union confederations (CGIL, CISL, UIL) from blocking the anti-war movement with their "propeace" discourse which, in reality, gives support to the D'Alema government.
Over 100,000 people marched in Rome on 3 April, and 50,000 demonstrated the following week. A 3000-strong demonstration at the Aviano air base in Northern Italy (used by NATO warplanes) was brutally attacked by the police. On Thursday, 22nd April, over 600 shop stewards gathered in the Milan CGIL trade union headquarters and called on the national leadership of the three main trade union federations (CGIL, CISL and UIL) to organise a general strike against the war.
In the town of Massa, in Tuscany, the official unions, CGIL, CISL and UIL, organised a four hour provincial general strike on 19th April. About 5,000 people participated, including school teachers carrying a banner with this extract from a Bertold Brecht poem: "Among the vanquished the poor people went hungry, among the victors the poor people went hungry."
Trade union solidarity Agalev spokesman Van Dienderen called for an unconditional halt to NATO activity. Ecolo continued to call for a International Workers' Aid "conditional" halt. The Communist Parties
For some of Europe's Communists, the Balkan war, and Milosevic's regime, is the last act of the death agony of Stalinism. Italy's former CP strongman Armando Cossuta, now a minister in the centre-left government, made a pathetic trip to France, Berlin, Moscow and Belgrade, in a futile attempt to unify CP leaders and play a mediator role between Milosevic and the west.
There are remnants of "either NATO or Milosevic" cold-war thinking in most of Europe's CPs, as well as nostalgia for "actually existing socialism.
But despite the regular contacts
"Recognising that even at this time of conflict and crisis, any future settlement will require economic regeneration of Kosova, Yugoslavia, and the wider region, we believes that preparations should be undertaken now to put in place a Balkan 'Marshall Plan' for the economic regeneration of
Yugoslavia, primarily but not solely on the parts most severely affected by war, this initiative to be introduced swiftly after the reaching of a satisfactory political and security settlement for Kosova....
"We are following the example set by our Italian colleagues and are asking Scottish trade unionists to give an hour's pay to help the Kosovans, and asking their bosses to match the money contributed
"We will channel the funds raised through organisations such as Scottish European Aid and Workers Aid, with which we worked during the Bosnian war."
Scottish Trade Union Congress International Viewpoint #312 June 1999 9