Popular 'no' vote defeats Euro elite
HUNDREDS of jubilant young left wingers gathered in front of
Christiansborg on the eve of September 28 to celebrate the 'no' victory in Denmark's referendum on entry to the Euro. Meanwhile, behind the walls of Parliament, there were tears and bitter comments
* Denmark from the establishment politicians.
FINN K. JOHANSEN
•N spite of a massive scare campaign, a tics from sharing a 'no' vote with national-
TAN to the funding of the Welfare State, it was anil part pain in the single out ve rency - a verdict strengthened by a poll turn-out of 87.8 per cent. The bulk of the 'no' votes came from within the pro-Euro parties' electorates. More than a quarter of Liberal and Conservative voters said no. In spite of a well-planned campaign from the Social Democracy and the Danish trade union confederation LO, 40 percent of social democratic voters said no. And even though the pro-Euro wing of the Socialist People's Party (SF) got lots of friendly media attention for their "New Europe" campaign (funded by the Confederation of Industry!), 88 per cent of SF electors chose
While the working class was clearly divided on the Euro question, there was certainly a massive 'no' vote from what is often termed "under-Denmark": the poorest, least educated urban areas showed a "no' majority of around 60 per cent, while well-off areas went to the 'yes' side by as much as 70 per cent. The ones who felt marginalised and threatened by "development" are very likely to have rejected the Euro while many of the better-off workers gave it their consent.
In the final phase of the campaign SF leader Holger K. Nielsen became the main spokesperson for the "no side" , engaging in an intense polemic with Nyrup Rasmussen on welfare questions. Pia Kjærsgaard, leader of the far right, xenophobic Danish People's Party (DF, has been portrayed in some media as the "No Queen". It is true that the right wing, not least DF, has been clearly strengthened since previous referendums. Social democracy did its very best to focus on the role of DF in order to deter progressive EU scep20 International Viewpoint #325 November 2000 ists. The DF campaign called for a "Danish
" to protect "crown and country", but stayed low key on its anti-immigrant issues in order not to stage unnecessary provocations.
Denmark's two main EU-critical crossparty movements, the People's Movement against the EU and the June Movement, including many left wing activists, favoured the broadest alliance stopping short of Pia Kjærsgaard's party. They entered into a "Euro No"-campaign including, among others, the Thatcherite Conservative Youth. When it came to actual campaigning, though, the right wing seem to have played a very humble role.
Parallel to this, individual campaigns were carried out by the Socialist People's Party (SF), the Red-Green Alliance (Enhedslisten) and other left wing parties, as well as by minority currents inside Social Democracy and bourgeois parties. Overall, the 'no' campaigns proved less problematic than could have been feared. They were not marked by nationalism and self-sufficiency, while such attitudes did make themselves felt among part of the electorate. 'No' campaigners often put forward the situation of East Europeans who are having a hard time joining the EU because of the harsh EMU criteria. And, as pointed out by an Enhedslisten poster: "The world is larger than the EU".
### Welfare
The impact of the EMU on the welfare system played a major part in campaigns ranging from the left wing to social democratic dissidents and even some bourgeois groupings. Increasing tax competition combined with the Stability Pact rules against budget deficits constitute a threat argued. In Denmark, 69 per cent of welfare payments are tax financed, a share far larger than in most Euro countries. Prime minister Poul Nyrup Rasmussen has been boasting about his role in placing "employment" high on the EU's agenda. He even put forward the Lisbon summit last March as proof that the social Europe is happening right now.
"Insubstantial and obligation-free". That is how another prominent social democrat, Ivar Nørgaard, referred to the Lisbon employment goals. As a government minister, Nørgaard co-signed Denmark's joining the EC in 1973. But he was deeply disappointed when the Maastricht criteria were laid down without including one on maximum unemployment. "The problem with the euro is that the price stability goal is given a far higher priority than the employment situation of the various countries", he said.
Ole Jensen, a representative of "Trade Unions against the Union", also warned against the Lisbon theses according to which millions of new jobs will be created in small and medium sized enterprises. Behind all the talk of "innovation", he puts his finger on well-known corporate-friendly prescriptions making up the concrete measures agreed in Lisbon: - You have proposals to alleviate taxes on the lowest paid, so that, in return, their wages can be lowered. And once again, you have the demand for greater flexibility. This usually means lower wages, wider wage gaps, uncomfortable working hours and easier access to sacking workers.
The "yes" establishment had at its disposal by far the most money, the government services, three quarters of the MP's, massive support of employers' as well as
Excerpts from a statement by the Socialistisk Arbejderparti (Socialist Workers' Party, Danish section of the Fourth International) on the Euro referendum
Use the NO in the struggle for a different Europe!
The EMU still exists after the Danish NO. The Euro continues to be a reality in 11, soon 12 of the 15 EU countries, and Denmark is still tied to the EMU, both politically and monetarily.
trade union federations, and all major newspapers except one tabloid. However, the "yes" vote was weakened by a series of
Denmark * mistakes.
A few weeks before the referendum, the Prime Minister made a fool of himself
If the Danish NO is to change anything in Denmark and Europe, we need to rely on its internaby "guaranteeing" the future of the nation-
The working people in the Euro countries got to know the anti-social results of preparation for al pension scheme. This guarantee was the Euro. The Euro's decline can cause a whole new succession of explosive situations, as govconsidered untrustworthy by three quarters ernments, prompted by the EU and the Central Bank, try to force through the so-called "strucof the public, especially since, in order to tural reforms", which "the markets" demand to create confidence in the Euro: more privately win the 1998 general election, Nyrup financed welfare, more unjust taxes, more flexible job markets etc.
Rasmussen "guaranteed" the early retire-
At the same time the democratic legitimacy of the Euro project is anything but sound. In only ment pension, and six months later introtwo of the Euro countries have the population been consulted via a referendum.
duced an important element of private
In this situation the Danish NO can give valuable inspiration to EU critics and opponents in
Europe, but there is a danger that its image will be tarnished. If Pia Kjærsgaard is seen as the insurance, thus adapting to EU policies.
"NO queen", it will be elements like Haider who will be encouraged to take the offensive.
While the 'yes' parties tried to keep the
It is therefore decisive that the Left loudly and clearly puts forward its social and solidarity-
EU core countries' plans of increased EU based arguments against the EU and takes initiatives aimed at the left-wing, trade unions and powers from the public, the 'no' side was grass-roots organisations, in the EMU bloc, in Sweden, Norway and Britain, and in the counable to quote leading EU politicians voicing demands for further harmonisation and
Use the NO to create a new European community!
an "economic government" still louder as
Despite the NO victory, Danish EU opposition has experienced some left defections. There is a the euro rate went down. According to growing group with solidaristic and international values who see it as being an excessively consome analysts, the 'yes' side could have gone on the offensive by arguing openly in
In a world where multinational companies and finance markets set the agenda, we can't shelter favour of a closer political Union.
The EU's Single Market is putting heavy pressure on welfare provisions, encouraging privati-
However, most pro-Euro politicians were sation, downsizing, and cuts. The EMU accelerates this process and the EU attempts to extend painfully aware that this would have caused an overwhelming 'no' majority.
The NO should be used to demand a halt to EU majority decisions on social and employment amongst other things, but we can only hope to resist the growing pressure on welfare provisions
Sceptical through new Europe-wide demands, movements and struggles.
* Against tax competition between the EU countries, which threatens the financing of welfare,
Opinion polls before and after the refoney are we met demand a rope on ya adried in on erendum show that, in general, the Danes are interested in and well-informed about
EU questions, but they tend to be sceptical tries applying for membership.
servative and nationally limited force.
behind a formal national sovereignty.
its powers.
the movement of capital.
* Against the social catastrophe imposed upon the East European populations by their governtowards the Union project because they ments' attempts to meet the demands of the Single Market and the EMU, we demand that these fear that the EU is undermining democrarequirements are removed and that the EU market is opened to Eastern Europe immediately.
cy. According to an opinion poll shows
* Against the undemocratic and anti-social construction of the EMU project, we demand the that half of the voters made their choice on prioritisation of social criteria and the political control of finance authorities.
the basis of the general EU development.
* Against financial hegemony and globalisation, we demand a genuine democratic evolution in
That is why the 'yes' side resorted to a
Europe - for a peoples' Europe, grassroots democracy and peoples' power.
These are just examples of the aspects of a European alternative which Danish trade unions, scare campaign similar to the ones used in movements and left-wing organisations need to develop with their sister organisations in the rest the five previous EU referendums in
Denmark. Failing to join the Euro, portrayed as a shelter of solidarity against
These are or popes emony and tobalis of Europe.
Use the NO in Nice!
The first big opportunity to meet across borders and promote social opposition to the EU is the
"crude market forces", the crown would come under pressure causing interest rates
The monetary union has not been defeated, even if the NO vote on September 28th put furrows to go up, which would cost 20,000 jobs in the brows of bosses and politicians. The hope for a revolt against the power of capital in and 20 billion crowns. Voting 'no' would
Europe can only be found in a combination of social mobilisation and EU opposition as well as demands for alternatives based on solidarity, both on a national and cross-border basis. This unleash a package of austerity measures.
The same message was conveyed by an alliance of bosses and trade union officials.
Full-page advertisements showed managers and shop stewards saying: "We, the people working in the enterprises, fear a
'no' vote". Nevertheless, the catastrophe scenarios failed to convince and were falsified by the extremely moderate response by markets in the days following the vote.
The 'no' victory was a heavy blow for counter-summit in Nice in December 2000.
hope will grow if the NO is used correctly. * Poul Nyrup Rasmussen and his Social Democrat-Social-Liberal government. While promising a series of "people's hearings". , the government is trying to prevent EU critics from gaining any influence on Danish EU policies. The negotiations on a new EU treaty to be decided in Nice in December are central to the discussions about the consequences of the 'no' vote. The government claims that the Nice Treaty is something completely different, while the EU-critical movements demand that the government puts a brake on the Union train in Nice by blocking further majority decisions, particularly on social questions. * International Viewpoint #325 November 2000 21
* European Union