Solidarnosc's challenge on the third anniversary of the Gdansk agreements ers in the FSO car factory (Polski FIAT) and from the Huta once more showed the strength and determination of its mili- Warszawa steelworks — both on the outskirts of the city - went
On August 31, 1983 several tens of thousands demon- on foot to the city centre.
known what happened in the go-slows and work stoppages by aggressive police presence. The Polish junta which, as usual, did the workers of the whole country for which Lech Walesa called everything it could to play down the scope of the mobilisation, was nevertheless forced to recognise that demonstrations had
Gdansk, Cracow, Nowa Huta, Wroclaw, Lech Walesa, commenting on these mobilisations on Septem-
Poznan, Lublin, Czestochowa and other towns. In Nowa Huta, ber 1, considered that 'this
Czestochowa confrontations with the
Solidarnose, tants.
strated in most of the major cities, on August 23.
On the other hand, it is still not
August 31 has been a big success,
It is not a question, perhaps the greatest the union has had'.
police lasted late into the night.
continued the leader of Solidarnosc,
Moreover, the appeal to boycott public transport was widely to face with tanks, but showing how many we are. It is very followed in the major cities. In Warsaw for example, the worknecessary that someone draws the consequences.'
Jacqueline ALLIO
One week away from the third anniversary of signing the Gdansk agreements the Western media transmitted a more than symbolic image.
of putting ourselves face
In the same room where the legal birth of the independent trade unions was proclaimed on August 31, 1980, Mieczyslaw Rakowski met 2,000 workers from the Lenin shipyards, SALAKOSE led by Lech Walesa.
It was a stormy session. The attacks on the outlawed Solidarnose by the government representative, accusing it of being the root of all evil, provoked only catcalls and whistles. When, contradicting himself, he affirmed that Solidarnose no longer exists', he saw the whole room stand up and reply, "That's not true. Solidarnosc lives and will live. We want free trade unions. Freedom for the imprison-
Several extracts of this meeting were broadcast by Polish television. Coming after the announcement of the capitulation by W. Hardek of Cracow - one of the leaders of the Temporary Co-ordinating committee, TKK, leadership of the clandestine union — this broadcast would have undoubtedly helped to mitigate the
A giant Solidarnosc banner greets the pope in Poland (DR) effects of this desertion, which could not but sow disarray among the activists of the underground union.
It also followed an ultimatum thrown at the regime by the clandestine Solidarnose commission in the Lenin shipyards, demanding that it enter into negotiations with the union, and calling on the workers of the Baltic coast and the whole of Poland to start a go-slow from August 23 if this was refused. Lech Walesa supported this call by placing a bunch of flowers on the monument to the Gdansk dead on August 15.
The regime responded to these threats in the strongest terms. The same day Rakowski stated on television, 'We will not negotiate either with Walesa or a clandestine group'. In this he returned to the familiar arguments according to which 'the Gdansk agreements were made with the working class and not with counter-revolutionary adventurers'.
As we know, the face to face meeting with the workers of the Lenin shipyard ended in a fiasco for Rakowski and an overwhelming victory for Walesa, acclaimed by his comrades. It was then difficult to evaluate the breadth of the strike movement - particularly because of the permanent slowing down of production due to the lack of raw materials - and to measure its resonance in the rest of the
But one thing is already certain -the intimidatory measures of the government in proclaiming a state of emergency throughout the region after the ultimatum delivered by the Gdansk workers, have not succeeded in making them bend their heads.
At the same time the regime has also had to recognise that neither has the campaign it launched against the Catholie Church, accusing it of inquisitorial practices and spiritual terrorism', succeeded in making the Catholic hierarchy shut up. In a communique dated August 26, following Rakowski's visit to the Lenin shipyards, the bishops, taking the pope's words on the ideals of
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August 1980 as their own, reaffirmed the necessity of giving a response to the just expectations of the people' concerning *a general amnesty, trade-union plurality, re-employment of people sacked for their convictions, the right of students to study, and finally the re-establishment of all the clubs of Catholic intellectuals'.
The two events in themselves say a lot about the degree of political instability which continues in Poland two months after the pope's visit, and the explosive nature of the situation on the eve of the August 31 mobilisations.
THE REALITY AND THE LIMITS
In a declaration dated July 3, the
'A raising of the state of war which is not accompanied by the abrogation of all the legislation adopted in that framework, legislation which has done away with any possibility of independent social initiatives and actions, but would instead guarantee the regime prerogatives comparable to those it had under the state of war, would be only a gesture with no real political import.
In fact, since December 13, 1981 the Polish working class has not only been fighting for the lifting of the state of war and the freeing of all political prisoners, but also for the re-establishment of all the democratic and trade-union rights recog nised by the Gdansk agreements or won since by Solidarnosc. What remains of these agreements? *Mass broadcast on a Sunday' in the words of Walesa.
This is why, from the time the content of the measures taken at the same time as the state of war was lifted was known, the TKK launched an appeal to the Polish workers to celebrate the third anniof the Gdansk agreements by taking to the streets on August 31, and by organising a boycott of public trans-
This was its response to the 'amnesty' proclaimed by General Jaruzelski on July 22. An 'amnesty' which freed some and kept others in prison, among them the of Solidarnose before December 13, 1981 and of the resistance movement after that date. An 'amnesty' which was accompanied by new laws passed by the Diet allowing the reimprisonment of those who participate in a "dissolved organisation' or in 'the organisation of any protest actions against the law' and the stamping out of all independent thought in an even more effective manner than previously. Not to mention the introduction of a new paragraph into constitution which allows the introduction of a state of emergency at laws were accompanied by new which restricted workers freestill more, and envisaged an increase in work time, as well as the abolition of the free Saturdays won by Soli-
Limited as it is, the July amnesty is nevertheless an expression of the relationship of forces imposed on the regime by the mass movement over the last eighteen months. Despite the state of war, despite the repression, despite the outlawing of the union, the position of the junta remains unstable, and it was necessary for it to make some concessions in the political arena, as it could not do bringing about an improvement in the standard of living, while not bringing the regime the sympathy of the workers, would at least have enabled it to reduce a section of them to silence.
But the developing crisis in which Poland finds itself, the growing mess that industry is in, the incapacity of the government to reduce the foreign debt, have and continue to make it impossible for Jaruzelski to make the least gesture on the economic level, and try to stem the discontent of the working class in this way. (1)
Thus, the social base of the regime remains more than fragile. ning of June, during the meeting of the Central Committee of the PUWP (Polish United Workers Party), a leader of the party in Wroclaw declared that a section moral, ideological and political dilemmas' where a large number of PUWP members still have not joined the new trade unions which still had only three million members at the time. it should be emphasized that even these very exaggerated figures are still this side of not only those of the previous industry-wide unions, but even the
PUWP members before August 1980.
THE REGIME REMAINS UNSTABLE
It is not surprising that the ruling team has been getting worried and that Jaruzelski, in his closing remarks to the Central Committee had insisted on the fact that a good number of base cells 'had not been reactivated', accusing a large section of the PUWP membership of 'having given proof of passivity.
This also explains the great fear of the bureaucrats, glued to their armchairs in the party headquarters during the pope's visit, watching the crowds who greeted
They were able to do this thanks to the television broadcasts laid on specially for the PUWP apparatchiks. Bureaucrats who, according to the report of an 'observer' in a Warsaw underground bulletin, were 'dumbfounded by the number of the enemy, by the thought that all the youth were against them. Bitter because all that they had to offer was offered before the pope came, and now they have nothing more in their hands to buy the people, everything is starting up again, and they don't see what methods to use to win against the people. cause they only feel strong militarily, and spirit is crushed in the same way that they were physically scared faced with Solidarnosc. Anguished by the failure of forty years of ideological work'. (2)
Jaruzelski and his clique could show themselves to be even more worried as the different factions of the bureaucracy are deeply divided on the line of conduct to follow, and by the divergent interests different pressure groups and The insidious attacks by Moscow against Rakowski are not made continually renewed rumours of possible dismissal of the team in place witness to the instability of the regime and its difficulties in resolving the major political, social and economic problems with
In this sense, and as was foreseeable, the pope's visit changed nothing fundamental in the situation. Those who had any illusions on this have had to be disillusioned, beginning with the faction of the bureaucracy that supports Jaruzelski. For months they had not hidden their hopes - against all the warnings of the and their allies in Moscow -that maintaining this invitation to this citizen not like any other would allow them to reach a conciliation with the people and give the junta credit for a more liberal course. This last element was indispensable for giving a pretext to the Western governments for giving up their policy of economic sanctions without false shame (a policy that was challenged from the beginning by financial circles, and which was kept much more in declarations of intent than in practice) and to come to the help of the junta.
These facts have given, on this, some hope to Jaruzelski since the Western banks agreed to reschedule the payment of the debt. From this point of view the pope's visit in fact contributed to increasing the room for manoeuvre of the present ruling team against the 'hardline'
But it is quite a different story as to how it has affected the attitude of the Polish people towards the regime.
THE CHURCH'S ATTITUDE
However, the faction in power knows that it can count on an open attitude towards it from one section of the Catholic hierarchy. The parting words of the president of the republic, assuring the pope that his visit had revealed 'convergent opinions on a good number of points between the head of the church and the Polish government', notably concerning the 'need for confidence, understanding and reconciliation' as well as the defence of a 'spirit of tolerance' were not simply polite formulas, nor a simple expression of the weakness of a bureaucracy reduced 1. The present Polish foreign debt is 27 billion do in 1982 cationed to une pretrous Net national production dropped by year. and agricultural production dropped by 4.5%. Investments in industry to the 1971 level. affected 50% of machines are out of use, to being so, in the agricultural and construc tion sectors. The rise in the cost of living was 105% in 1982, with average rises of 237% i food costs, and 185% for consumer goods. rise in real wages did not go above 51% average.
Wola, clandestine Solidarnose bulletin in Warsaw, no 21-22, June 27, 1983
to getting the support of the head of the question its own authority. Thus it is anonymous unionist stated in a clandeschurch at any price. The attitude of the top clergy after the pope's visit reflected a corresponding concern to maintain good relations with the Polish authorities. The sanctions taken against numerous priests judged too combative or too inclined to put themselves at the service of Solidarnosc - particularly through den transfers to distant country parishes - represent direct blows against the activity of the underground union.
The editors of a Solidarnose bulletin in Cracow, in an issue prior to the pope's visit, noted that the news arriving from the enterprises more and more often expressed 'a concern about the present development of contacts between representatives of the Catholic church and Solidarnose members. Particularly in the last few weeks one can see new elements in the clergy's attitude. As our readers suggest, the compromise that the church tried to negotiate with Jaruzelski before the pope's visit is perhaps going to be paired with a demand for change in some of the clergy's activities, above all among the ordinary priests'.
To illustrate this point the editors published a letter from a group of workers from the Lenin steel workers in Nowa Huta, which informed them that, 'people who go to the church to ask for Mass to be said for the workers or trade unionists feel unwelcome, indeed rejected. The church authorities are treating people who, in these difficult times, are coming together to seek mutual aid and consolation in prayer with arrogance and contempt.
These workers were above all protesting against the attitude of cardinal Macarski who several times, having undertaken to say a mass at the Solidarnose altar of Mistrzejowice in Nowa Huta, quite simply let down the faithful who assembled
"This way of treating us surprised us a lot, we the workers, because we remember a little while ago, when we still acted within the legality, that he blessed the cross and the banners of our union. Do they have such fear of us, the workers, the real trade unionists? If this is the case, we can affirm that we have not changed. We remain faithful believers. But we cannot accept the fact that the high authorities of the church do not treat us seriously. We know what we want and what is the objective we are trying for. There remains only one question - do we march together or separately?' (3)
These words put into their rightful place the recent declarations of bishops mentioned above and the range of the rhetorical flights of the said cardinal Macharski in particular. At the same time as the Catholic hierarchy reacts against the attacks made on it by the regime it is taking its distance from Solidarnosc. This shows that, while claiming to be above the fray, the church is pursuing its own ends and does not intend to subsume its own interests into those of a mass movement whose desire for autonomy and whose political aims objectively put into true that the church is only really strong when the power of bureaucracy and the potential power of the working class are
However, the attitude of the Catholic hierarchy has not gone without provoking some profound
There are many priests who, each far from restricting themselves to appeals for reconciliation, encourage
For example, there was the priest in Warsaw, who, after the so-called amnesty, declared in his sermon, We were waiting for them to efface all the offences, and not for democratically elected people to remain in prison. I speak to all those who have left the country or are still in prison. I say to you "God will give you victory"' After this a priest read from the pulpit, "for the liberty of the nation, that those in clandestinity and the workers who have been sacked may find fraternal aid, that the media will not serve to put out lies, finally, that the Polish people, free from all fear, can realise the noble ideals of August 1980.?
Solidarnose supporters (DR)
How can one but see the pressure of the masses in these words, and its effect on the spirit of a whole section of the clergy directly in touch with the workers and sensitive to their worries and their hopes?
NO FREEDOM WITHOUT SOLIDARNOSC
It is less the repeated appeals for the necessary dialogue between the regime and society' that the Polish workers will have retained from the pope's visit than the passages from his speeches on will to win', on the respect due to democratic human and citizen rights, and particularly on recognition of the right to organise in trade unions, a right which is not a matter for the state but which is an "innate right', and the right to workers self management.
Assessing John-Paul II's visit from the point of view of its political character, an tine bulletin 'I attribute particular importance not to the words of Jean-Paul II, who is a past master in the art of allusion and ambiguity, nor to the statements of Jaruzelski or Jablonski, who are pions in treachery, but to the shouts and the demonstrations of the masses gathered for the giant Masses...The people from the small enterprises and atomised milieus - peasants, artisans — who are subjected daily to propaganda and indoctrination by the press and the television, have been able to convince themselves that Solidarnosc lives, that it is strong and powerful and is not thinking of capitulating.' (4) The feeling of strength which came out from the crowd penetrated every demonstration organised spontaneously from
In Cracow in particular nearly half a "There is no freedom without Solidar-
Free elections, amnesty, democracy! Freedom for all political prisoners!' Other than the slo. gans of support for the pope, for Lech Walesa, for their imprisoned leaders, and the memory of their comrades fallen under the repression, the participants in this demonstration constantly addressed themselves to those who were standing and watching them, chanting, 'Come with they won't hit us today!' To the members of the militia in particular they
"Throw away your truncheons, Be human, don't strike your brother!'
This feeling of strength was also found a week after the raising of the state of war, during the demonstration of 10,000 the sign of the clandestine union to celebrate the 39th anniversary of the Warsaw uprising was also found among the thousands of people who the day before took part in a Mass celebrated in the capital to pray for the realisation of Solidarnose's ideals.
But it certainly seems that once more the degree of organisation of the underground movement is below the level of combativity of the masses. The preparation for the August 31 mobilisations brought out certain disagreements within Solidarnose, between the TKK on one side and the Lenin shipyards in Gdansk and Walesa on the other. launched an appeal which went further than that of the TKK. Their appeal was also supported a little later by a leader of
TKK, Zbigniew without knowing exactly if other regions approved this initiative and if they were ready to solidarise with the workers of the Baltic coast.
The question of co-ordination of the clandestine structures of Solidarnose and their debate to define the political perspectives of the movement seem more decisive than ever in order to offer a way forward for the mobilisation of the mass 3. Tymczasem, clandestine Solidarnosc bulletin in Cracow, no 11, May 3, 1983
Solidarnosc bulletin in Cracow, no 60, July 2, 1983.
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