AROUND THE WORLD
First Congress of the OMT in Mauritius tional liberation. But, this struggle obviously does not set that as its sole aim. It cannot be a question of simply reforming the system. Today in Mauritius there is a society divided into social classes, a state in the service of the possessing classes and working people who produce all the wealth of the country. Our strug-
Over the last year and a half there has But the fact that the present government been a very confused political situation in Mauritius can make such proposals in Mauritius. In June 1982 a left coalition led by the Mauritian Militant Move- predecessor hardly made any other proment (VIVIM) won an overwhelming electoral victory (International Viewpoint No 12, August 2, 1982).
Hardly a year later the government divided and there was a big split in the MMM. The group that split from the MMM finally formed a new group, the Mauritian Socialist Movement (MSM), and forced new legislative elections. It then formed a coalition, first for electoral and then governmental purposes, with the remainder of the local right wing, the Labour Party and the Mauritian Social Democratic Party, in order to get, with them, the majority of parliamentary seats. Thus, the reactionary right wing got back into power without putting forward any really new ideas. In fact, neither the left-wing coalition around the MMM in June 1982, nor the new reactionary right-wing government in July 1983 were capable of putting forward serious solutions to the social and economic crisis.
The economy of Mauritius is totally dependent on sugar production, which represents 75 per cent of export income and employs 25 per cent of the economically active population. Neither tourism nor the hope of industrial investment can change this situation in the present conditions. Unemployment is steadily increasing, income for the small planters is dropping little by little, and the working class has to increasingly submit to the bosses' arrogance and the government's repression.
The present government has only demagogic solutions on offer. To solve the problem of unemployment for tens of thousands of young people, it is content to propose that some of them go to look for work in countries like Zimbabwe or Saudi Arabia. To compensate for the drop in income for sugar production it proposes transforming Mauritius into 'the Singapore of the Indian Ocean', that is massively increasing foreign industrial establishment in the free zone to produce goods directed towards the external market. In order to do this it needs social peace. The industrialists of Hong Kong and Saudi Arabia are not going to come and set up in Mauritius if there is a working class fighting for its elementary rights. International Viewpoint 26 March 1984 without embarrassment shows that its left posals during the eight months it was in power.
Despite the mass activity which followed the June 1982 victory there has never been a call to the workers to mobilise to change the rules of the game, to nationalise the sugar industry, get rid of the hangovers of colonialism and cut down on the immense wastage by giving control over the economy to the toiling masses. To the contrary, the left government fundamentally tried to establish its credibility with the imperialists and the local bosses, particularly the big bourgeoisie of the sugar industry. Although it had to give up its place, this was not because of its radicalism. It broke up under the strain of its internal divisions, particularly communalist ones, in as far as different factions of the employers and the bourgeoisie no longer had the same views on economic policy.
This is the context in which the Or. ganisation Militante des Travailleurs (OMT, Militant Workers Organisation), formed by expelled members of the MMM, held its conference in January. Some of the main leaders of this new group had been activists of the MMM for a long time. For example, Serge Rayapoule, very well known in the support base of the MMM in Port-Louis, had been a member of the central committee of the MMM up until the expulsion of the Lalit Travayer (Workers Struggle) tendency. It was this current that formed the OMT. When they were members of the MMM, the OMT comrades also formed and led a National Front Against Unemployment (FNAS). Since the foundation of the OMT the FNAS has been defined as a political movement around the revolutionary nucleus, and transformed into a National Front Against Poverty.
Following the two congresses, OMT and the FNAS presented their respective programmes to the press.
The OMT explains in the introduction
If Mauritius is to advance definitively in social progress and put an end to poverty, it has to finally rid itself of this toiling masses in our country is in a way the continuation of our struggle for nagle is a struggle for socialism. That is, to make Mauritius a democratic republic of working people? Thus the programme of the OMT is a description of what the programme of a workers government should be.
The press particularly commented on the fact that the OMT proposes the nationalisation of the sugar industry, the banks and finance companies under workers control. But the organisation carefully outlined a programme of agrarian reform, women's liberation, dissolution of the repressive forces and respect for democratic rights in the police force and the army, safeguarding the different languages and cultures that exist within the country, etc.
The FNAS adopted a simpler, shorter programme, which proposed to its worker members to struggle for more immediate demands, against the social consensus and communalist divisions, to fight for independent organisation of the working people and against imperialism and for socialism. As the FNAS is a broader structure, 'a school of socialism for all the men and women who are active in it, it sets itself the task of giving all its members the opportunity to do an apprenticeship in political struggle and an apprenticeship in real workers democracy. In some ways the FNAS is a school for entry into the OMT. But it also wishes to be a lot more than that in the future. The FNAS has the perspective of stabilising dozens of local groups throughout the island, which would be in direct contact with the daily problems of the people. The FNAS hopes that each group will stabilise and root itself through its daily work in defence of the ti-dimounes' (ordinary people) in their work and living places.
It is true that the OMT and FNAS do not yet represent a national force capable of having an effect on the relationship of forces between the classes. Nevertheless, in one year their members have succeeded in establishing a current that is very active and in direct contact with the struggles occurring. There are several hundred members and sympathisers who, under the banner of the anti-capitalist fight and proletarian internationalism, are working to build a 'real revolutionary party' in this island of 950,000 inhabitants in the middle of the Indian Ocean.
25
The results of the Basque elections reflects the extraordinary base of the trary. No doubt, this is because this mentary parties and the grave polariza-
The elections for the Basque autonomous regional parliament were held on Feb-
Because of the strong social political tensions in country (Euzkadi), considerable attention was focused on them both internationalally and in the Spanish state.
The capitalist press in the big imperialist countries played with the results to up whatever political point they considered most edifying, some focusing on the increase in the vote of the PSOE since the last elections for the Basque parliament in 1980, some claiming that the gains for the Basque Nationalist Party (PNV) represented a vote for moderation; and in general they trumpeted the slight decline in the vote of Herri Batasuna (the People's Unity), which politically supports the militant nationalist guerrillas of ETA-Militarra, from the last Basque parliament elections represented a repudiation of "extremists."
Actually, the elections showed and even growing strength of Basque nationalism. Although the PNV has a right-wing leadership and line, it is a nationalist party with a broad fol-
There is no Chinese wall between ranks and those of more militant
Furthermore, in the past period it has been in conflict with the PSOE government in Madrid on many involving the defense of Basque national rights against a Social Democratic government determined to prove to the Spanish-state bourgeoisie that it is a trustworthy guardian of its histor-
The actual pattern of the vote in Euzkadi in the last four elections is as
In the 1980 elections, the PNV got
348,620 votes, or 29.4%; in 1983, it got 264,396 votes, or 26%; in 1984, it got 247,660 votes, or 23.07%.
The HB got 152,097 votes in 1980, 16.5%; it got 175,857 votes, 1982; it got 143,059, or 14.3% in 1983; and 157,163, or 14.6% in 1984.
1980 Basque parliament elections, the Center Union (UCD) of former premier Suarez, the main bourperiod following death, disintegrated. 1984 elections, the remains of this party the far rightist party of Fraga Ibararne, the Alianza Pop-
This coalition got 100,627 votes, 9.4%, in 1984. In 1982, it got 139,148,
Euzkadiko Ezkerra, represents a faction of the militant nationalist movement that has moved to the right. It gained its initial electoral backing because it was the only section of the militant nationalist movement prepared to contest elections. Because of this history, despite the fact that it is now very far to the right, its vote is probably still mostly a militant nationalist vote. In 1984, it got 85,621, or 8% of the vote.
In reaction against the shift of Euzkadiko Ezkerra to the right, a large section of its activists split away to form the New Left. This group joined with the Basque section of the section of the Fourth International in the Spanish state in a new coalition called Auzolan (which means "Collaborative Work" in Basque). This was the first time it has contested elections in the part of the Basque coun try covered by the autonomous parliament. Its only previous electoral experience was in the elections for the Navarra body has so little powers with respect to the more unpopular policies of the bourgeois authorities, such as repression and industrial reconversion. The majority of the Basque population do not see it as responsible for these things.
The latest elections gave a better picture of the real support for the PSOE [the Social Democratic Party] than the previous ones. The 1980 vote, the first election for an autonomous Basque authority, was quite unrepresentative. PSOE got a mere 130,591 votes. On the other hand, the vote that the PSOE got in the October 1982 elections for the Spanish state parliament - 348,560 -was inflated by the expectation that the party would win control of the national government. [This time, it got 247,717
The PSOE's electoral support comes mainly from workers who have immigrated to the Basque country from other parts of the Spanish state. a combination of a Spanish chauvinist and anti-ETA vote and that of sections of the population that want to prevent the domination of the Basque nationalist
There is not much to say about the right-wing bourgeois Spanish centralist vote in this election, the vote for the People's coalition of the far right People's Alliance (AP) and the remains of the Center Union (UCD).
Although the People's Coalition regained about 13,000 votes by comparison with the municipal elections last year, it far from reached the level of the combined vote of the UCD and the AP in the 1980 elections for the Basque parliament or the 1982 Spanish-state parliament elections.
With respect to the vote for Euzkadiko Ezkerra, the first fact that out is its essential stability (it rose by about 5,500 this time by compar-
349,896 votes, or 38.1%; in the 1982 local parliament.
Spanish-state parliamentary elections it
31.7%; in the
1983 municipal elections it got 395,849 votes, or 39.6%; and in tions, it got 450,953 votes, or 41.8% of
The PSOE in the 1980 elections got
130,484 votes, or 14.8%; in 1982, it got following article from Zutik, March 1, 1984, the paper of the Liga Komunista Iraultzailea, the Basque organization of the section of the Fourth International in the Spanish state, offers an assessment of the election results and the campaign run by Auzolan. have been shortened for space reasons.
ison with the municipal elections last year, but fell by 4,500 and 6,000 reBasque parliament elections in 1980 and the Spanish-state parliament elections of
At the same time, it has to be noted that the fusion between Euzkadiko Ezkerra and the faction of the Communist Party led by Lertxundi, although the media and press focused a lot of attention
A comparative study of the four last PNV in Basque society and the identifielections in the Basque country shows the
A continuing rise of the Basque Nationalist Party (PNV). elections, its vote increased by 55,000 over that in the May 1983 municipal elections and more than 100,000 over what it got in the 1980 vote for the Basque autonomous parliament. At the same time, the number of registered voters has hardly changed.
The success of the nationalist right cation of broad sectors of the population with the policy of this party at the level of the Basque autonomous region, which they see as the only way of getting some local government for Euzkadi. The party has been helped as well by the way it has played on its conflicts with Madrid and by the charismatic personality of party leader Garaikoetxea.
Thus, the PNV's four years at the head of the Basque autonomous government have not discredited it, quite the conon this group, has not brought any overall increase in the EE vote.
With respect to Herri Batasuna, it has to be said that it achieved a good result. Its vote rose by 14,000 votes with respect to the 1983 municipal elections and by 5,000 votes over the 1980 election for the Basque parliament, although it remained 18,000 votes below its score in the 1982 general elections.
In an atmosphere dominated by a general campaign against ETA and revolutionary nationalism by all the parlia-
International Viewpoint 26 March 1984
about while they continue with rearmament at full speed. Besides, beginning with ourselves we will support those forces - including the unofficial peace movement - that in Eastern Europe too are working for a future without tion of Basque society following the assassination of the PSOE senator Enrique Casas, the revolutionary nationalist current closed ranks around the HB. A lot of people critical of the party or who had their doubts about it decided to go on supporting it.
However, the HB also waged a good campaign. It proved able to appeal to workers involved in struggles and to youth and to seek support from revolutionary currents in other parts of the continued from page 28
'In the trade-union movement as a whole we have already got support from many individual leaders, including social-democratic leaders of local workers organisations, as you will see in the next issue of our paper, Klassekampen. Special efforts are being made to organise intellectuals, as well as doctors, priests, small tarmers, etc.
'On April 7 and 8, about one thousand people will meet in Copenhagen in a democrats. To win the "Trade Unionists for Peace' to our idea will be a great step forward.
'Already a significant regional leader of the LO, Knut Anderson, leader of the Copenhagen suburbs federation, has endorsed our proposal calling it a big and correct idea'
'But just as this is an international affair, international solidarity is very im-
In order to build the movement in Denmark and thus to thereby in-
Spanish state.
As for the Communist Party, these latest elections only reconfirmed its debacle as an electoral force in Euzkadi leaders of other unions, including social 4160 Herlufmagle, Denmark.' and its continuing decline.
Auzolan's vote was less than what had conference of the "Trade Unionists for
Peace'. Here the proposal will be put forward not only by my own local union and by revolutionary socialists but also spire workers in other countries, we ask all trade unionists and peace activists to send messages of support to:
The appeal of Herlufmagle teachers been hoped for by those who formed this
West European governments are continuing with the installation of 572 nuclear
We knew that in the present circummissiles directed against Eastern Europe, despite the fact that there have been stances, since it was a newcomer to the gigantic demonstrations against them and that the overwhelming majority of the political scene,
Auzolan could not win population of Western Europe oppose them.
the support of any significant layer of the many reasons why governments are elected, not simply endorsement of their stand
Basque working people. But we hoped to
On the other side of the so-called Iron Curtain this move is being answered by influence a broader section of the milithe installation of still more missiles, directed against Western Europe. A new, extant nationalist (Abertzale) vanguard and pensive and dangerous escalation of nuclear rearmament is going on.
other elements of the revolutionary vanrational point of view this escalation is unnecessary.
guard who are beginning to draw concluweapons seem more than enough of a deterrent as they are already capable of desions about the need for a different sort of left policy. In this respect, the results
But the new weapons introduce an even greater risk that such a disaster will were less than expected. Auzolan got less in fact occur because, among other things, they drastically reduce the warning time, votes from people who have previously and thus the possibility of averting catastrophe at the last minute.
abstained and from those critical of
Everybody can see what the end will be if this insanity of rearmament is allowed
Every means possible must be used to stop it. One of the most im-
Euzkadiko Ezkerra than hoped for.
portant means has been the symbolic but massive work-stoppages that have taken
To some extent, this was the result of place in countries like West Germany, Finland, Belgium and Denmark, that have the polarization and the reinforcement of established loyalties caused by the recent rocket to get to its target once it has been fired.
events in Euzkadi.
But the decisive
These work-stoppages have been very important. They have strengthened the thing was that the rethinking that has peace movement and spread its ideas far and wide among the population.
been going on in sections of the militant same time they have highlighted the most important means the population has at and revolutionary vanguard its disposal to stop this insanity: stopping society functioning.
But the symbolic five-minute strikes that have spread from country to country has not reached the point where it could have not been sufficiently effective to convince the governments.
have a clear reflection on the electoral extended. broadened and co-ordinated to become a one day people's strike in all
West European countries on one and the same day.
As we saw, both through our own ex-
This demand must be raised everywhere.
perience and the impressions of other trade unions in the private as well as the public sector. We must use the already expeople, the impact of Auzolan's election isting contacts across frontiers and develop new ones.
campaign was far greater than indicated
But, as it is a matter of concern to all layers of the population the demand by its vote. For example, the attendance also be raised in associations of employers, farmers, shopkeepers, etc. so at Auzolan's rallies was about the same as that the work-stoppages will take on the dimension and form of the people's strikes at the EE ones, and far bigger than at the during the Occupation, and so that no one can say it is specially directed towards, for example, the employers. And the demand must be raised now.
CP ones. It was clear that our hopes were day where work stops not only in one single country but throughout shared in the vanguard of the trade union
Western Europe, and the streets are filled with protesting people.
movement, the women's movement and
Is this unrealistic? No, the most unrealistic and irresponsible action would be to the anti-war movement.
let things go on. Let us at least try to raise the demand and see what the result will
The election results give only the barest indication of that political capital.
But they represent a basis for the future, a question of negotiation behind closed doors between the trade unions and the indicating that already in southern employers associations for example. It is too important a question for that.
demand must be pressed through from below. We therefore ask everybody reading
Euzkadi as a whole (including the province this to spread the idea among their friends and fellow workers, in the peace moveof Navarra) our vote is over 19 thousand.
ment, in the trade unions. Set in motion existing groups and organisations, or build
And this is an important platform for continuing the struggle for the national
You may wonder why we are raising the demand for the removal of the 572 and social liberation of Euzkadi.
Nato missiles, and do not make this demand dependent on the Soivet Union re-
The following are the vote totals for
The explanation is simple:
Auzolan in the three provinces covered
We stand for disarmament in the East as well as in the West.
by the autonomous Basque authority:
matter is, we are living in Western Europe — not in Eastern Europe. And the demand of 'mutual disarmament' is exactly the demand that the governments talk
Vizkaya/Bizkaia
Total: 19,709 (0.67%)
International Viewpoint 26 March 1984 stroying life on Earth several times over.
usually lasted for about five minutes.
new ones and contact us.
moving its missiles at the same time.
fear of nuclear destruction.
And despite the fact that there are
The existing stocks of nuclear
That is about the time it will take for a
They have to be
Not only in workplaces but in the
But, the fact of the
, we mean that
27
Copenhagen where our comrades are very active. Here the workers decided to stop work and demonstrate despite what anyone else did. This forced other factories and the Stalinists and left reformist leaders in the trade unions to join in. An