Sinn Fein present bility of the sectors concerned. (1)
It can be said that from the outset. therefore, that the economic policy of relipe Gonzalez's government has been oriented in the direction required by entry into the EEC, and the perspectives that have apparently opened up today anti-imperialist alternative will only result in increasing the brutality of this economic pretext and cover of the BEC's demands.
For Spanish workers, the tightening
Interview with Danny Morrison, Sinn Fein candidate of this policy ensuing from Common
Market entry will have disastrous effects on wages, social benefits, jobs and job
The November 1983 Ard Fheis (conference) of Sinn Fein, the largest antisecurity. But the severity of these blows imperialist organisation in Ireland, decided to contest the forthcoming can only be appreciated when you con-
European elections, and to take seats if elected.
sider the conditions the Spanish workers
Sinn Fein represents the mainstream of traditional Irish republicanface. Their average wage amounts to just ism which has prioritised support for the armed struggle against British over 50% of the average wage in the EEC.
occupation of the Six Counties in the North carried out by the Irish Re
Social benefits are starkly inadequate, as shown by the following figures:
This policy has been coupled with abstentions from the electoral
The average pension amounts to only arena, except from the Southern local elections, since the 1950s. How-
70% of the legal minimum wage, which itthe mass political movement that developed in support of the self is set at a ridiculously low level
Republican prisoners on hunger strike in 1981 demanded expression in
(the equivalent of about 230 dollars a the electoral arena and led to the standing of H Block candidates.
Average employment benefits
First of all hunger striker Bobby Sands took the seat left vacant by the are only 60% of the minimum wage, death of independent Catholic nationalist Frank Maguire in a by-election and only 28% of the jobless get these
It was rewon after his death by his election agent Owen
As for unemployment, the
In the Southern general election in summer 1981 two H Block official figures already estimate
2.5 million persons, which amounts to
Since then Sinn Fein have stood in elections to the Northern Ireland no less than 19% of the economically general election and a British general active population, as opposed to 11.2% winning five representatives in the Assembly and one Westfor the European countries belonging to the OECD (Organization for Econom-
The most striking aspect of the decision about the European elections ic Cooperation and Development).
was thus not simply to stand but to take seats if elected. It is a principle
If the workers have to endure more of the Sinn Fein constitution that members will not take seats in the austerity to compensate for the on-
Southern or British parliaments because they do not recognise the legitslaught of EEC competition, if the level imacy of these bodies which concretise the partition of the country. One of unemployment is sent plummeting by of the most divisive debates last November was around a proposal to even this dismantling of production sectors rediscuss this position — a proposal that was accepted.
and boosting of productivity, then the
The adoption of this strategy towards tactical use of elections to future looks very bleak for the working establish the legitimacy of Sinn Fein as representative of the aspirations of class - unless the workers can force the the nationalist community in the North for Irish unity, ousting the bour-
PSOE to modify its plans. Up until now, geois nationalist SDLP from its false position as sole representative of the this government has shown an unrelieved nationalist community, was part of an important shift in direction at the brutality and insensitivity to the social consequences of its policy.
Joe Carter of People's Democracy, Irish section of the Fourth Inter-
This insensitivity may lead the PSOE national, asked Danny Morrison of Sinn Fein, who is one of the members into making a very great historical error elected to the Northern Assembly, to explain why the organisation had if it continues to push its policy with the taken this decision and what impact and gains they hoped to make from same intensity. The deterioration in the their election campaign. Morrison is the Sinn Fein candidate in the living standards and working conditions
European constituency comprising the whole of the Six Counties for of Spanish workers has reached the point which three members will be elected. Morrison will be fighting for the where the potential for social explosion nationalist vote against a candidate of the SDLP. Sinn Fein also intend to should not be underestimated.
stand in the South where there are four multi-member constituencies, in
Obviously, we cannot make mechanthe capital city Dublin and based on the three traditional provinces in ical projections that such an explosion the South, Leinster, Munster and Connaught/Ulster.
will inevitably occur and lead to a solution favorable to the workers.
But it is clear that the objective conditions for this are building up.
The big workers parties in the country and the majority in the Workers Commissions (2) are favorable to the integration of the Spanish state into the EEC. This is a major obstacle to achieving one of the fundamental objectives of the Spanish workers, which is precisely to prevent this incorporation into the Common
Market.
Cf. Inprecor, IV's French language sister publicate n, No 163, December 19, 1983.
The country's largest trade-union confederation, dominated politically by the Communist Party and splinter groups from it.
International Viewpoint 23 April 1984 publican Army (IRA). in the North. candidates were elected. Assembly, a further Southern
Question. Why has Sinn Fein decided to contest the European Community elections?
Answer. Sinn Fein over the last three years has adopted an electoral strategy as one of the central planks of the strug gle. This came about basically from the mass movement behind the hunger strikes and the need to develop an alternative to the constitutional, collaborationist Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP).
Our intervention in electoral politics has cornered the British nationally and internationally and shown that there is a popular war of liberation going on against the British imperialist presence. So, it would have been to give up that strategy had we not decided to contest these elections, just as we had contested the June 1983 election to the British 1. Republican prisoners in the H Blocks of Long Kesh prison and Armagh women's prison in the North went on hunger strike to demand improvement in their conditions as a recogni tion of their status as political prisoners. Ten men died, including Bobby Sands who was elected, from his prison cell death bed, as a member of the British parliament at Westminster.
13
----- pull-quotes on this page -----
IRELAND —
parliament at Westminster and the election to the Northern Ireland Assembly in October 1982. It is part of our ongoing strategy.
Q. How does Sinn Fein view the EEC and Ireland's membership of it?
A. Membership of the EEC has been disastrous for Ireland North and South, particularly for agriculture. There were initial benefits but they soon disappeared. The BEC is now geared to large farmers. Small farmers are its victims - there are attempts to drive them off the land, particularly in the South. In the North small farmers to some extent have been protected against the full effects. South where there is dairy farming they are going to be particularly hit by the super levy - the decision to curb milk
The EEC also opens up Ireland North and South to multinationals and exploitation of the people. Take for example even housing, there is talk of the money being thrown in here, but when you actually study where it's going to, it's just being gobbled up by the British gov-
They are supposed to match the amount of money and they do not. What is needed is a huge injection of resources to end the scandal of the housing situation, the North of Ireland has the worst housing in Western Europe.
We consider there to be dangers linked with membership of the EEC. Hand in hand with membership of the EEC is an orientation to a military alliance. The EEC at this point in time is almost interchangeable with Nato - the independent Ireland, a sovereign Ireland, a nonaligned Ireland, an anti-nuclear Ireland, we see the dangers of EEC membership - the gradual moves towards a
Western security policy we believe is dangerous. are opposed to EEC membership and we will be contesting the elections on an anti-imperialist platform, opposing the military nature of the EEC.
Q. What does Sinn Fein see as the central issues in the election?
A. In the North the EEC elections will be a referendum within the nationalist community on the national question. It will not be fought on the issues that will dominate in England, France or to a large extent in the 26 Counties, although we will be raising the national question there. In the South, where probably some economic and political matters will be the issues, we hope to turn it around to the Brits and the national question.
Q What kind of campaign will Sinn Fein be fighting in the North and in the South?
A. In the South there are many restrictions on us. There is a lack of access to the state radio and television networks which has a 'spillover' effect to the rest of the media. (2) There have been attempts to make political lepers of Sinn Fein. 14
We are also handicapped in terms of underdevelopment. We are a very small organisation engaging in a very big election. However, in the North where Sinn Fein is much stronger than it is in the rest of the country, there will be a campaign where we believe we can win. So, what we hope to do is produce a political veto match the Irish Republican Army's (IRA) military veto on the British attempt to stabilise their rule and the Dublin government's collaboration with within our community in the North there will be two developments. British government is going to have to change its policy. Since the Sunningdale 'power-sharing' agreement in 1974(3) the British government have continued to exist - although this insistence has been whittled down over the years - that any devolution of powers to a local assembly must command cross-community support. Once we command majority support within the nationalist community we will demand not power sharing, not an internal settlement, nor a reformed Six County state, we want a united Ireland with the Brits out and an end to the Loyalist veto. (4)
The Brits are going to have to change their policy and either face up to reality or give much greater support to the Loyalists and their call for devolution which would mean total support for a sectarian state (5), which would have its ramifications on relations with the South.
For the Southern government itself, once the SDLP could no longer claim to be the majority representatives of the nationalist people in the North, then that would be their anchormen in the North
INTERNATIONAL VIEWPOINT
SUBSCRIBE TO
In the South the television and radio are the government, through broadcasting material that could promote the aims or activities of an organisation that engages in violence'.
Many interviews with members of Sinn Sinn Fein is the political TESSIO of the Irish Republican Army further detail see Ireland, The Propaganda War, Liz Curtis, Pluto Press, London 1984.
Until 1972 the Six Counties were ruled degree of autonomy on internal matters by a local parliament.
was dominated by the Protestant majordetermined to keep their ascendancy over relationship with the Catholic South.
Stormont was dissolved after the massacre trom Westminster was instituted. The aim of assembly in which power would be shared between the two communities.
gone. The Southern parties have formulated their policies around the SDLP, and once it is in a minority position they are going to have to deal realistically with us. Sinn Fein's victory will have a dramatic effect on the overall political situation with regard to the nationa
Q. How does Sinn Fein hope to ad vance in the South through these elec
We don't expect to win any seats but it is the experience we are looking for. We are flying our flag and hoping to get an injection of new members. Basically, you have to crawl before you can
Also, we believe that when the total vote is counted we will be the third largest nationalist party in Ireland. (6) We will have more first preference votes than the Irish Labour Party.
What is the significance of Sinn Fein's decision to take European parliament if elected?
We realise it would have been political suicide to contest the elections on an abstentionist ticket. Also the EEC does not have the same relationship to us as the British occupation or Leinster House (the Southern parliament) which was set up by the British in 1920. (7) The European parliament is sufficiently distant from the question of Irish sovereignty for us to go in and take our seats. What we would hope to do is to use the EEC platform as an international lobbying point. We believe that some one in Europe could lobby sympathetic political the international labour move. ment and embarrass the Brits and expose their violence in Ireland.
How will you measure success in the elections?
A. Success will be measured in two
First of all the vote in the 26 counties to see if we have made many inroads. In the North it will be measured by comparison with our June vote -103,000 at its minimum, taking the seat at maximum. It will be a vote on which hope to build strengthen our organisation. agreement that foresaw both this and a Council of Ireland linking the North and South, was wrecked by a general strike in opposition to these plans called by the Protestant Ulster Workers Council.
British Labour Party policy is for a united Ireland if there is agreement from the Union ist population — thus giving the Unionists a veto over the proposal. 5. The present statelet of Northern Ireland was deliberately created to give the Protestant Unionists a majority by assigning three of the counties of the traditional province of Ulster to the South 6. After Fianna Fail, the bourgeois nationalist party in the South, and the SDLP. Up till now Sinn Fein has not so much taken votes away from the SDLP as mobilised support that previously did not vote for lack of an adequate alternative 7. After the Treaty of Independence was signed between some of the elected representatives of the Irish people and the British government. The signing of the Treaty led to a bitter Civil War between those who accepted it and those who wished to continue the fight for a united, independent Ireland.
International Viewpoint 23 April 1984
CLONDALKI
PAPER Y scale enterprises. But the piecemeal reforms imposed by Britain and the resistance of the mass of small farmers resulted in a hybrid system
- a minority of large farms in a sea of small, mainly un-
ACTION ROUP
Clondalkin workers struggle for jobs (DR)
viable farms.
Ireland's subsequent economic development was profoundly debilitated by this inherited nature of agricultural production and structural deformities of land tenure:
Extensive farming did not require a great deal of reinvestment. Big farm capitalists were conservative. Profits were deposited in the banks rather than put to further productive use.
ii) The profitability of extensive farmers depended on access to British markets. The capitalist farmers were ardent free traders. This had two consequences. Tariff protection was not available for infant Irish industry. Side by side with free trade went free mobility of capital. The banks invested the accumulating agricultural profits in safe British government securities. Irish industry was exposed to the full blast of competition from developed British industry and starved of capital. Indigenous industrial development was consequently