Communalism - its causes and consequences over the openly communalist propaganda was necessary and instead there was only grinning tolerance.
In April, the Maharashtrian festival, Shiv Jayanti is celebrated. Since the 1970 riots this procession has been banned in Bhivandi. This year, after 14 years, the state authorities decided to
Throughout India in the past 15 years there has been an increasing trend towards communalism. (1) The number of lives lost in communal rioting go into thousands and even for those only marginally affected in a materal sense, the events have had a lasting impact. more than 150 incidents have occurred, killing hundreds and making thousands homeless, jobless and rootless.
Since 1977, the incidences of communalist violence have increased tremendously. here were 375 deaths in 198 This trend has continued unabated since then. three years earlier. 1983 more than four hundred communalist outbreaks were reported. In 1984, in Maharashtra alone, about three hundred people lost their lives.
The following article aims to examine the issue of communalism by laking a concrete analysis oi, in particular, the recent rots in Bhivano Thana and Bombay in May of this year • document drawn up by the Revolutionary Communist Organisatio (Inqualabi Communist Sanghathana), Indian section of the Fourth Inter-
This text is an edited version o allow it. Bal Thackeray and other Hindu communalist leaders were in attendance. The procession went through many Muslim areas raising provocative slogans. the meeting afterwards, speakers demanded a uniform civil code giving as the reason the danger of a Muslim takeover. It is interesting to note that there was no such procession in Bombay or Pune but only in Bhivandi with its 60 per cent Muslim population. At a time when communalist feelings were already running high, there seems to be no justification for the state authorities allowing this provocative march to go ahead.
On April 21, Bal Thackeray made his famous speech in Chowpatty at a gathering of Hindu Mahasangh. (4) He warned that if they were not stopped, the Muslim community would grow like a cancer and
PUNMR PROBLEM/S NOTHING AS COMPARE TO WHOLE INDIA• "BRESHI JAGDER SINGH' "SHIROMNI AKALI DAL" Sikh slogans on wall in New Delhi (DR)
On May 18, 1984, the city of Bombay was shaken by communalist riots. Bhivandi, a textile town just forty kilometres away from Bombay itself, was the scene of the drama. On that day there were mass stabbings, lootings and burning of huts there. The riots spread to Bombay, the first time since independence that such a level of violence had been seen in the city. After 10 days, when the riots were ultimately brought under control, official figures declared about 300 dead and 1,800 wounded in and around Bombay. The unofficial figures, which are more reliable, claimed at least 1,000 dead and 4,000 injured. Sixty thousand people were homeless by the time the riots ended and about 50,000 workers were jobless in Bhivandi alone. Needless to say, the vast bulk of the casualties have been borne by the Muslim community. 18
What was the cause of these riots? Were they spontaneous or pre-planned? Did economic factors play a major role or political factors? It is necessary to go into the chronology of these come to grips with the answers to these
In November and December 1983, Vishva Hindu Parishad (Hindu Universal Conference), a rabid communalist organorganised traditional religious marches throughout the country, whose aim was to promote Hindu revivalism and generate anti-Muslim feeling.
In January 1984 a new organisation, Hindu Mahasangh was formed in bay with Bal Thackeray of Shiv Sena (2) as its president. poster went up all over Bombay. poster was divided into two parts:
side, a Hindu family showing the parents and two children with the capthat the only solution to this was an operation. As a further provocation, he made derogatory remarks about the Prophet Muhammed.
From this point on, it was only a matter of days before the situation was to reach boiling point. On May 16, in the Parel district of Bombay, a virtual curfew was imposed by Shiv Sena and in the next two days shops all over Bombay were made to close. On May 17 some Muslim boys in Bhivandi insisted on hoisting the Islamic green flag near a Hindu area and a fight broke out. This was settled by an intervention of the police commissioner.
That night, some Muslims gathered in a school compound in Bhivandi to discuss how to respond to Bal Thackeray's communalist statements. After much debate, the moderates prevailed and the meeting decided to send a delegation to Thackeray to verify his statements.
However, during the night, a series of coordinated and systematic attacks were launched in Muslim areas of the city. Whole areas were looted and burnt and
The term communalism means communal disharmony. It describes тевтоиршень and mutual aid based on ethnic and religious ties. It is sometimes bound up with political groups and castes.
Shiv Sena (Shivaji's Army) is named after Shivaji Bhonsle, warrior of the eighteenth century. This organisation, founded in 1965 by Bal Thackeray, is motivated by strong nationalist sympathies as well as a tervent Hinduism. They advocate anti-Muslim nationalism on the theme of Maharashtra for the Mahar
Hindus (including Untouchables) represent 84 per cent of the total population, Muslims represent 13 percent. In Maharashtra, Muslims represent 12 per cent.
See IV, No 57, July 16, 1984. International Viewpoint 1 October 1984
people died. The coordinated of the attacks, and the type of arms used, belie any theory of spontaneity. In no time, about 50,000 people had lost their belongings and were home-
The police, when they turned up, behaved like dumb spectators. after these attacks no call was made to bring the Army in. At a place called Nai Basti, where about fifteen hundred famlive, an interesting development A slum area, Nai Basti, has a largely Muslim population but a number of Hindu families also live there. this area Hindus and Muslims joined together and were able to resist for some
This phenomenon of Hindus and Muslims fighting together was to repeat itself many times in the next few days in Bhivandi as well as Bombay.
The riots and sporadic violence and murder continued for the next 10 days and by the time the army was called major damage had already occurred
Many people returned to their villages and about fifty thousand rotted in the so-called relief camps. The government was either swallowed up by the middlemen or else food and other necessities were sold on the black market by the government.
Meanwhile, in Bombay, rioting and arson had also started on May 19. bings and looting took place in several Muslim areas. The situation got worse over the next few days and whole shantytowns were set on fire. After a few days the army was brought in and rioting came to an end. In Bombay city the construction companies used the situation of communal tension to their own ad-
When the shantytowns were burnt down the people who lived in them were not allowed to return. panies were greedy for land and they engineered the burning of these settleunder cover of communal riots. Immediately after the dwellings were burnt to the ground, the land was occupied by the construction companies with the help of the police.
After the situation had returned to normal, the state government awoke from its state of hibernation and threatened to file a vaguely worded suit against Bal
It is obvious that this prosecution will not lead anywhere. The role of the police
Bhivandi is a centre of textile production based principally on the powerloom sector. In fact, this unorganised sector produces more cloth than the entire textile industry in Bombay. During the 1982 textile strike (5) the powerloom industry received a major boost, giving rise to intense competition. Since many Muslims are powerloom owners, the competition between different sections of the textile trade can take on a communalist flavour.
The role of organisations like Shiv Sena and Hindu Mahasangh in stirring up communal hatred is clear. What is inInternational Viewpoint 1 October 1984 teresting, however, is the role played by the police and the state government of Maharashtra led by Mrs Gandhi's Congress Party(I).
Judging from all reports received the time, the police, when not actively helping Shiv Sena supporters, were playthe role of passive bystanders. Cheetah camp at Trombay, which is a very large slum area, housing Muslims, Hindus and Christians, the police played munities had joined together to ward off any outside attack. came, not from anti-social elements, but from the police themselves, who on May 15 entered the camp with the army and killed at least 15 people. At the time the police were heard to shout pro-Shiv Sena slogans. The police commissioner could not deny that such excesses had occurred in his department. But an internal rather than a judicial enquiry was ordered, which will undoubtedly lead nowhere. In this and other areas the police clearly told the Muslim population, In our uniforms we are police but underneath we are Shiv Sena.'
Discussions with people in Bhivandi exposed the universal partiality of the
In each affected area, the people told almost identical stories. tacks came from people — local as well as truckloads of outsiders - who were wellarmed, nearly every one with a sword or
When people trom the shanty owns (mainly Muslims) tried organisin they found to their astonishthat their attackers were accompanied by police. Seeing their comrades falling under police fire, many Muslims fled, leaving their property, relatives and friends at the merey of the attackers who had a field day of destruction and kill-
The Congress Party (1), which is the ruling party in Maharashtra as in the whole of India, proclaims secular ideals when convenient, but has shown through its conduct in the recent riots that it has now stopped even paying lip service to secularism.
The governor of Maharashtra, Vasantdada Patil, has refused a judicial enquiry into the recent riots, in which, according to unofficial figures one thousand people, mainly Muslims, lost their lives. Madon commission report of the 1970 Bhivandi riots shows, these judicial probes do not have much practical value but they can bring certain things to light. Be refusing to have an enquiry, the Congress(1) government has shied away from exposing the true facts which would have shown the administration's own
The 'secular government could have
Hindu leaders for publishing blatantly communalist posters and delivering inflammatory speeches. Not an Thackeray's April 21 speech not only was no action taken, but the state governor
Thackeray's innocence, without even listening to the
On May 3, of course, the Shiv Jayanti procession was allowed at Bhivandi, lifting a ban of 14 years. The government gave its consent knowing full well the increase in communalism. This speaks volumes for the so-called secularism of the Congress Party (I).
Having a very efficient intelligence network under him, Vasantdada must have known in advance what was being planned. After one particular outbreak of violence he raised communalist doubts about the truth of the reports. Till this day no action has been taken against Thackeray. In fact, within a month of the riots Vasantdada had joined up with Thackeray for the elections to the Legislative Council. Baroda and Godhra riots
On the national level the story is the
When informed of the bias in police reports and presented with proof of it, Indira Gandhi merely shrugged her shoulders and said, We will have to look into it. No police officer has even been reprimanded for his conduct.
All these facts lead inexorably to a single conclusion; that the Patil administration actively aided the much responsible for the riots as anyone who has taken a physical part in them. The so-called secularism of the Congress Party(1) is clearly a myth.
An examination of the previous riots in Baroda, Godhra and Jamshedpur will also begin to bring certain features to
Baroda, for example, is fast becoming the industrial capital of Gujarat. The population of 900,000 is 15 per cent Muslim, 35 per cent Marathas and 52 per cent Gujaratis. Muslims and Marathas are generally very poor, in fact, 85 percent of Muslims in Baroda live below the poverty line.
Due to prohibition, the illegal liquor business is thriving in Baroda. The turnover per day from the illegal trade is about 100,000 rupees (about £7,500). The police and politicians are the protectors of these liquor dens. In fact the police are estimated to receive approximately 60,000 rupees (about £4,500) per year for protection of these liquor kings.
The illegal liquor business is mainly carried on by Bhois and Kahars amongst the Hindus and also by the Muslims. There is acute competition between the different sections, even involving rival factions in the ruling Congress Party(I) and government itself. The riots in the mainly, a product of this. In October 1981, when they erupted, the population was butchered by the police. Then they demanded the transfer of certain police officers. But the attempt of the government to transfer the commissioner, Jaspal Singh, only led to fresh riots. The communal tension lasted for more than
See IV, Nos 17 and 18, November 15, 1982 and December 29, 1982
a year causing the loss of 33 lives, with 336 injured and enormous loss of prop-
Godhra is a growing town with a pop-
Out of this, are Muslims with 20,000 Ghanchis, 5,000 Syeds and 10,000 Bhoras. Ghanchis are the poorest among these.
In 1947, just after partition (6), a large number of Sindhis migrated from Pakistan and settled down in Godhra. There are about 8,000 Sindhis at present in Godhra. Traditionally, Sindhis have been petty traders. The Hindus have always had a monopoly in the grain
This monopoly has now been broken and the Sindhis, who are considered to be of low social status by other monopoly on the trade. Shortage of housing is also a major issue.
In 1948, when the Sindhis migrated from Pakistan they brought with them fresh memories of the communal riots in For workers in this factory the problem is their exploitation as workers (DR)
during partition. lated into frenzy and in 1948 Godhra was struck by communal riots. then, communal riots have been a regular
The Hindu communal organisations hit by the grain monopoly of the Sindhis have managed to foster rifts between the Sindhis and the Muslims. ber 1980, five Sindhis were burnt alive by Muslims and the riots continued up till August 1981. Jamshedpur riots
Another instance of recent communal violence was the Jamshedpur riots of April 1979. The city is a fast growing industrial town with a massive influx of migrant labourers. The population of the city which was 5,000 in 1911 grew to 300,000 in 1961 and to about 800,000 in 1979. The poor workers, migrants, traders and businessmen mainly settled in the outlying areas of the city. This area was at one time, the province of
Due to the rapid increase in population immense pressure on land was
Many disputes and even killings took place over this issue.
In the 1964 riots about 4,000 Muslims fled to Pakistan. were also caused by the driving of sections of the Muslim population from their lands. The majority of those in Adivasis are landless labourers or contract labour-
As such their anger was directed against the land grabbers. leaders managed to direct the wrath of the Adivasis dwellers against the Mus-
People from Adivasis were the major participants in the latest riots.
From the examination of these and various other riots a few common points can be identified. First of all, it is important to note that between 1950 and 1964, a smaller number of communal disturbances took place. From 1964 onwards, the incidences of communal violence were on the increase. Communal 20 riots in the 1950s appear to have been more the result of a sudden outburst by certain groups. From 1964 onwards they
The loss of life during communal riots in the 1950s was much less. lives lost during this period were 316. Since 1964, the loss of life has greatly magnified with three times more lives lost in 1969 alone than in the previous period. Moreover, in every riot larger and larger numbers of Muslims are losing their lives. Similarly, the loss of property suf-
Muslims far outweighs the destruction of property owned by Hindus.
Communal riots generally occur in urban areas but they have begun spreading to the rural areas in recent years. They do not just occur between Muslims and Hindus but between Sikhs and Hindus, Buddhists, etc. History of communalism
In recent years the riots have been
For example, the clash in Baroda lasted for more than a year. Both Hindu and Muslim communal and numbers in recent years.
Finally, there is a difference between those people who generate communal communa riots.
have been observed to openly propagate and organise communal hatred, but the participants in the riots are mainly people from the lower classes.
A superficial analysis of the riots can lead one to conclude that in most cases the events that triggered them off were trivial. But it would be a grave error to assume that communal riots are nothing but collisions between fanatics over petty religious issues. Ultimately, these riots are only the products of a sustained, seething and continuous discontent within people. Riots are the sharpest this but communalism exists all the time. For in our society is subjected, from birth, in a conscious or unconscious way, to a daily recipe of hatred towards the 'other com-
This onslaught of ideology occurs through apparently harmless jokes, through textbooks, and through the speeches of politicians.
Many people confuse religious beliefs whenever and wherever more than one religion exists, invariably communal conflict takes place. This is false. One finds in the history of civilisation and in the history of India itself that various religions have co-existed for centuries. There are reports of communal riots occuring in our history for example in the fourteenth century, but there is no generalised trend. For example, even the fight of Shivaji in the reign of Aurangzeb (1658-1707) was not a Hindu-Muslim fight, but a fight against expanding central authority.
No individual has the right to deny freedom of religion to any other individual. It is only when this religious belief takes on a political form and content that the problems arise. It is our strong belief that communalism has to be seen as a structural part of Indian society today and also as a strategy of the ruling classes to divide the masses and preserve their vested interests.
It is becoming obvious that political factors have played a significant role in all communal riots. But politics does not operate in a vacuum either. It requires appropriate socio-economic
What are the socio-economic factors which lead to communal riots?
Communalism as a generalised phenomenon only came on the scene in the second half of the nineteenth century. For historical reasons, a section of the Hindu population became exposed to British education fifty years prior to the Muslims. Certain reformist movements began within Hindu society and even nationalist sentiments were first express6. In 1947 at the time of the collapse of British rule in India, a partition of the country was created along religious lines. There was a Muslim majority in Pakistan.
International Viewpoint 1 October 1984
ed among the Hindu middle classes. The Muslim middle classes who began to be educated fifty years later, identified nationalism with Hinduism and therefore a section of them began to demand a separate Muslim nationalism. more, some Muslims were, to a large dependent on the British The Muslim population therefore remained, largely, outside the mainstream nationalist even when they entered it after 1910, they entered with a specific Muslim
Furthermore, the leadership of the communalist approach at times. himself (1869-1948) used certain religious concepts to mobilise the masses which Muslims were unable to identity
At the same time, Muslim as well as Hindu communalist forces utilized the discontent amongst the masses to generate communal frenzy.
The British rulers also used communalism for their own purposes, whipping up communal hatred in the build-up to the
Feelings were running so high by 1947, the time of partition itself, that they gave rise to the worst communal riots in Indian history. The main areas affected at that time were Gujarat, Punjab, Delhi, Bengal and Kashmir.
For some years after independence, communalist frenzy died the 1960s, especially after 1964, it start-
Sometimes riots have begun over non-communal issues. towns where the riots have taken place are towns which are commercially and industrially developing and, in some cases, have a significant Muslim population. In like Kyderabad, Aligarh, Muslims constitute about 30 to 40 per cent of the population and in Malegaon it is as high as 67 per cent although in Baroda and Ahmedabad it stands at only 10 to 15 per cent. All these towns are developing commercially and industrially. Baroda is a very large industrial centre, Ahmedabad and Bhivandi are large textile towns, Jamshedpur is at the centre of the steel industry and Moradabad has a large brass industry.
All these towns were affected by riots. In all these growth centres there is some sort of economic competition and clash of interests between Muslims and Hindus. This has been expressed in many ways.
Immediately ample, a large number of Muslims miIndia were either the zamindars (large landowners), who would have lost all their property if they had migrated, or a section of the artisan class. cated middle class, on the whole, migrated to Pakistan as they would have much better career opportunities there. This trend continued for about 15 years after independence and created a 'middle class vacuum' amongst Muslims in India. International Viewpoint 1 October 1984
Artisans and craftsmen were, at that time, dependent on the landed aristocracy. Uneven and combined development in India was expressed mainly in the abolition of the properties), coupled with inadequate inartisans and craftsmen into the hands of
Thus a clear economic stratification developed on communal lines.
In all the growing towns pressure on land is very great. As the town grows, more and more migrant labourers arrive and settle in the outskirts of the town. Land prices go up and the real estate business thrives. Land which was earlier commercially viable, thereby attracting investors who wanted to throw out 'unauthorised' occupants of the land. What better method than communalism to throw these occupants out? In addition to this, the newly rich Muslims have recently been entering into the real estate business. This again provides ground for communalist feeling. In places like Aligarh and Moradabad, this has been one of the major reasons for
Even in the present Bombay riots the land factor played an important role.
Contrary to the usual view that communal riots are a product of the disintegration of society it can sometimes be
The economically backward, politically subdued and culturally inward-looking Muslims of the 1950s have started asserting their existence. The earlier aloofness is fast disappearing.
A section of the Muslim population is finding its economic bearings and is tryassert itself politically, thereby threatening the Hindu communities. This aspect is apparent in the history of Jamate-Islami (Hind), a Muslim communal organisation, founded in 1948. Fora number of years it propagated that Muslims should withdraw from political activities in India, for example, that they should boycott all elections. the theory that a true Muslim society could exist only where the government is in the hands of the Muslims and as Hindus were a majority in India, such a state of affairs could not exist. Since the 1970s, however, the Jamat has had to change its position because the now economically assertive Muslim population is demanding proper representation. As a result, Jamat has now started taking part
The competition between growing and declining social layers finds its expression in communalist riots. India is a developing capitalist country but full-scale capappearance of artisans, money lenders, etc., has not yet taken place. Nor has the concentration of capital been sufficiently
Pre-capitalist relations still persist, giving rise to an uneven and combined development of the society as a whole. In many places, sections of the population who were earlier economicalpolitically dominant are losing their stronghold, while others are gaining in strength. Clashes occur between these rising and declining strata.
The caste structure in India today more or less matches the class structure. But the changing dynamic of the society has provided certain sections, which are known as backward castes, to have upward mobility in the economic sphere in castes fall in to the intermediate level of the caste structure. These intermediate castes (like yadavs in Uttar Pradesh or Marathas in Maharashtra) are vying for political and cultural status commensurate with their upward economic mobility. Their aspiration is to reach the highest stage within the caste system and they express this by aggressively distinguishing themselves from other sections of the same, as well as other, religions. feelings, coupled with economic and political factors, are bound to give rise to caste and communal riots.
The ruling classes in any country require a mixture of repression and consent for maintaining their hold and for economic growth. Sheer repression, except in extreme conditions, nor congenial in the The ruling classes must have the backing of the masses. Up to the 1960s, common ideology which sought to bind the majority of the masses to the ruling
But once the initial boom was over, and the conditions of the masses had started to decline, so their faith in the government diminished and this ideology lost its meaning. 1960s there has been no common ideology and this has meant a crisis of legitimacy for the ruling class. Communalism is an ideology which can be stirred up on a national level amongst a majority of the people, diverting their attention from the real issues and securing the interests of the ruling classes. This is the reason why even the ruling party is coming out more and more openly with its communal Class identity
In general, communal riots do not take place when strong movements of the toiling masses are taking place. textile strike, communalism in Bombay was down to a minimum and the influence of Shiv Sena was at an all time low. This is a matter of collective identity which everyone is searching for which asserts itself in different ways under different circumstances. Either caste identity, religious identity, national identity or class identity will come to the fore. It is in the interests of the ruling class to let all identities apart from the class identity come into play. acute class struggle, people's class identities prevail, submerging all other identi-
Individuals then start to identify totally with their class regardless of religion or caste. When the class struggle is in decline, other identities push for recogni-
In a period of decline of the class struggle, various tensions and patterns
in a society still exist. Setbacks in the give the masses a 'false consciousness' that class identity is not the major identity and that not much can be achieved through it. In this way the for other identities and they discover enemies other than class enemies as the cause of their frus-
This is what leads to caste riots, regional chauvinism, communal riots or war hysteria. This blurring of the class issues is precisely what the ruling classes desire and explains why they sometimes generate these feelings themselves. important to note also that this consciousness of the masses is not totally false in the sense that caste exploitation does exist and there discrimination against Muslims.
Rising unemployment, escalating prices and pressure on land caused by the inability of the ruling classes to control the economic stagnation of society are the major causes giving rise to the frustrations of the people and one of the ways in which these frustrations are vented is through communal frenzy.
which is supposed to be wedded to secularism, is in fact the main perpetrator of communalist feelings. 1976, the word secularism was added to the preamble of the constitution. Since equal status to all religions. makes many people think that the state is, in fact, secular.
The notion popularised through Jawaharlal Nehru in the Congress in the preindependence days is that secularism means respect for all religions' and is widely accepted. What is not understood (even after decades of horrifying experiences of communalism in India) is that this so-called tolerance has led to vital areas of life such as marriage, sexual relations and inheritance being left to religious diktats. In the name of tolerance, all sorts of religious processions, customs or offensive speeches have been permitted. And in the name of 'cultural
'spiritual climate' even the state-sponsored mass media end up perpetrating the religious chauvinism of upper caste Hindus.
Secularism should mean that the state relations between men women but not between them and their
It should not mean tolerance for ligion is the personal affair of individuals. By secularism what is meant is that the state allows or even protects peoples right to hold whatever religious beliefs they want in their personal life but at the same time prohibits any public imposi-
The so-called secular character of our state is quite apparent on the walls of our parliament buildings. the 'temple of democracy and secularism' have engraved on them quotations from Hindu texts, not from Islamic, Sikh or
Ultimately, the state serves the interest of the ruling classes and the ruling classes use any means which are necessary to mould relations between people to their and it is so used by the ruling class. It is in their own interests to generate support for themselves and to divide the toiling precisely for this purpose even by the big industrial bourgeoisie. In reality, the Indian state deals not only with relations between human beings but also with relations between humans and their
The Communist Party of India and the Communist Party of India - Marxist (7), which have an otherwise quite radical and secular stance (in relation to Hindu communalism at least), believe that Indira Gandhi is god's gift to humanity, that the Congress Party(I) and even the state itself is secular.
As we have seen, this secularism of the Congress Party(1) was meted out to the masses during the recent Bombay/Bhiv-
It is an open secret that the Congress Party(I) consciously built up the Sikh leader, Bhindranwale and made full-scale attempts to direct the Akali demands into Sikh-Hindu communal agitation. (8) Gandhi played a similar role in
The Baroda riots were, in fact, of a faction fight be. tween Congress Party(I) leaders. Immediately after visiting Bombay during the 1984 riots Mrs Gandhi appeased the Hindus by making a public statement that she would not do anything to the detriment of the majority community. fact, immediately after the Bombay riots, during the election of the deputy chairperson of the Legislative Council, a chief minister of the Congress Party(I) met Bal Thackeray and they joined together to defeat the opposition candidate. Government fails to act
The Congress Party(I) has traditionally relied upon the block votes of the minority community and the inferior castes for its support. But over the years these sections have been unhappy with Congress. Thus the steady base has eroded forcing the Congress Party(l) to look tor other allies. This it is trying to do by en listing block support from upward moving middle and the upper castes. question is, if the Congress Party(I) is essentially a communalist organisation, why is it not trying to make India into a Hindu state? Why, in 1976, did they introduce secularism for the time into the constitution? Why does the Congress Party(I) oppose the scrapping Indira Gandhi bother to pay lip service to secularism? The answer to this is and Mrs Gandhi should be seen as representatives of the ruling classes. class will cling to any belief or follow any practice which is harmful to its class in-
The ruling class adopts a particular belief or practice only as long as this meets its class requirements. On its own, no single aspect of communalist politics can, for long, serve the interests of the
The ruling class is, on the whole, as much aware as Marxists that religious fanaticism (Hindu or Muslim) is
Communalism is useful only when it allows the ruling class achieve certain non-communal non-religious goals. This, of course, is not to deny a certain autonomy of communalist forces from the diktats of economic
As long as she relied heavily on Muslim votes, Mrs Gandhi kept some distance from communalist forces. day, the ruling classes need a dominant ideology in order to get the full backing of the masses. Communalism is the most suited to this purpose - it keeps the
However, Mrs Gandhi, as prime minister of the largest 'democracy, as the 'most popular leader in the world, and as the leader of the Non Aligned Movement cannot afford to be openly communalist. But in a 'parliamentary democracy' like India, the rule of the majority is supposed to prevail. The majority being Hindus, there is no
Many special discrimination against Muslims. They are discriminated against as a matter of course. the reason why, even under British domination, Muslim and Hindu communalism came out in different forms. Hindus, being the majority, appeared extremely rational in propagating single nation rule by the majority while at the same time being extremely communalist. Muslim communalists, on the other hand, could not wear the garb of nationalism democracy implied rule by the Hindus. So, for them, the issue was one of demanding reserved Muslim seats or a sep-
Further evidence of the Congress(I) government's attitude to communalism is shown in the measures proposed in certain communal trouble spots to increase surveillance and strengthen law
State governments all over India have been asked to set up special intelligence groups, to make improved arrangements for the maintenance of law and order and to be extremely choosy about the appointment of officers at all levels. However, these proposals have not been thoroughly implemented and the government has taken few steps to ensure that they are, although much harm could have been prevented and many lives saved through this scheme. be mentioned in passing that even the Marxist state governments taken any genuine initiative to curb communal violence.
The Communist Party of India was founded in 1928 but exercised virtually no influence on the nationalist currents in the first twenty
1961 created different factions inside An important section of the base left in 1964 to form the CPI-M
Akali Dal, founded in 1920, is a party composed essentially of Sikhs.
International Viewpoint 1 October 1984
Indira Gandhi (DR)
It is necessary to oppose communal organisations, not because they only serve the interests of people belonging to one religion, but because they do not even do that effectively. Moreover, communalist organisations are opposed to any reforms within their own religion and oppose any "humanisation' of religion. How many communal organisations have taken up the cause against the dowry? None. It is true that Hindu organisations take up the demand for the abolition of the Muslim personal law but only because, according to them, Muslims will soon outnumber Hindus through practising polygamy. (9) Of course, we should support any organisation which opposes polygamy on the grounds that it is exploitative of women. But not one communalist organisation does this.
There are a number of Hindu communalist organisations operating in India. Organisations like RSS, Shiv Sena, Vish va Hindu Parishad, Maratha Mahasangh, Hindu Mahasangh, Patit Pawan, to name but a few. All these organisations call for India to become a 'Hindu Rashtra' (state). They want only second class citizenship accorded to religious minorities. They also demand a uniform civil code. We should, of course, support a civil code which gives equal rights to women but not on the grounds of the threat posed by the existence of the minorities. All these organisations are opposed to democracy in any form whatsoever. What is more, all of them believe that the rigid caste system should be maintained. Not one communalist organisation even pays lip service to support the dalits (Untouchables), even after major caste violence. These organisations work in close collaboration with each other and it is very clear just whom they represent.
Among the Muslim communalist organisations the Jamiat-e-Islami, as menInternational Viewpoint 1 October 1984 tioned earlier, used to be against any political participation of Muslims in India. But since the 1970s, they have changed their position. They believe that a genuine Muslim society can be formed only when the government is in the hands of the Muslims. They believe in solidarity of Muslims on the basis of Islam and they call for support to Pakistan in case of any conflict between it and India. The Muslim League, on the other hand, participated from the beginning in elections and gave major emphasis to gaining concessions for the Muslims in India. Again, all these Muslim communal organisations are against any reforms within their religion and are against democracy.
There is an increasing trend toward revivalism in India and the membership, as well as the activities of all the communalist organisations, are growing rapidly. All these organisations are openly communalist in their approach but are still allowed complete freedom in society. They play havoc with the feelings and lives of people. And in all the riots the major sufferers are the Muslims, the dalits, the Adivasis, women and the working class.
There is nothing much to choose between Hindu communalism and Muslim communalism. Both have to be vehemently opposed. But in India, Hindu communalism is the major threat. It has the sheer numerical strength to achieve power in India. Myths of communalism
Many myths about communalism are propagated within the country. The first myth is that Hindus form a homogenous community with all its members having identical political, economic and cultural aims and interests. This is false. Amongst Hindus one may find workers, capitalists, landowners, etc., all of whose interests are not only distinct but even antagonistic. Different sections of Hindus have different sets of political objectives too. The culture of Hindus varies from place to place and caste to caste. Similarly among Muslims, one has Shias and Sunnis and even further divisions among them. Their cultural and religious practices also differ from place to place. It is therefore, totally incorrect to say that either the Hindus or the Muslims form a homogenous community. The workers of the Muslim community have more in common with the workers of the Hindu community than with Hindu or Muslim capitalists. The interest of capitalists are bound up with other capitalists, whether Hindus or Muslims.
Another myth is that the interests of Hindus and Muslims are contradictory and mutually exclusive and so they cannot survive together. First of all, Hindus and Muslims have survived together for centuries. Secondly, why do interests become exclusive or even distinct merely because of religion? What is so fundamental about the relation between human beings and their god which makes human relations with each other antagonistic? Why should one person's personal belief in a particular god be antagonistic to another person's especially if, ultimately, the gods are supposed to be one and the same? Every person, even a child, has some belief and opinion different from others. If merely difference in belief is the criterion, then by this logic, all persons are antagonistic towards others and so human beings cannot survive in a social environment. In fact, in our society the conflict is between workers and capitalists, agricultural labourers and landowners and even dalits and caste Hindus, not between one religion and another. The partition
However, it is important to note that although, objeetively, different communities on religious lines do not exist, subjectively, they do. What is being suggested is that Hindus and Muslims do feel that they form separate and antagonistic communities. The communalists play on these feelings but the seeds of it are not sown by fanatical propaganda, but lie in the socio-economic factors. Communalism, therefore, has to be fought at both levels - ideologically and by fighting for socio-economic change. The two have to go hand in hand.
It is true that the partition of India occurred along religious lines. It is often said, therefore, that if Pakistan can be a Muslim state, why can't India be a Hindu state? But the partition itself was totally artificial. It divided a nation with at least some homogeneity. Furthermore, although Pakistan today calls itself an Islamic state there is a significant movement in the country, as in Iran, against religious oppression. If one takes the logic of the argument for a Hindu state in India to its conclusion, then why not call for a male, Brahmin, white-skinned state?
It is said that when Pakistan wins a cricket match, the Muslims in Bombay light crackers. This is a common myth, but it is not a widespread phenomenon. Some people may have a moral affinity to the 'other country', they may have relatives and friends there, but whatever their reason it cannot be put down to the Hindu-Muslim divide. What is important is that in spite of the way they are treated and in spite of the riots, these Muslims remain in India. This is natural. They know the country and their interests are tied to the interests of the Indian people. Nevertheless, one cannot overlook the role of Hindu communalism in alienating the Muslim population. As more and more communal riots take place and as more and more Muslims lose their lives and property, they are bound to feel alien in their own country. This is especially so when the state increasingly comes out openly in favour of Hindu communalism. In such circum9. Special dispensations have made polygamy legal for Indian Muslims only.
23
stances, the Muslims in India are bound to start seeking an identity for themselves in Pakistan.
In 1981, a few hundred Hindus in the state of Tamil Nadu, especially in Meenakshipuram, were converted to the Muslim religion. The press blew this up in order to stir communalist feelings. Hindu revivalists declared that Hinduism was in danger.
In fact, this incident was not very significant. Meenakshipuram is not the whole of India. One hundred conversions here will not have a devastating effect. The people in Meenakshipuram converted themselves so as to find a way out of the totally exploitative and dehumanising caste system. The communalist Hindus (led by Mr M. G. Ramachandran) claimed that Gulf money was the root of all these conversions. Inspite of various investigations, no trace of Gulf money could be found. In the districts where the conversions took place, however, the caste system is very rigid; lower caste people are not even allowed into an upper caste teashop. Dalits are allowed into Muslim-owned teashops, however. In fact, the investigations showed that it was not the poor who were converted, but a section of the newly education pop ulation who had made certain economic advancement. In many ways, these people achieved social, though not economic, improvements through their conversions. They were accepted into the Islamic community. A programme to fight communalism
Sometimes, conversions can be used as a threat to get concessions from the caste Hindus and the government. After these conversions in Meenakshipuram, in other areas where there was a similar threat the government made improvements in water supplies, house sites, etc.
If Hindus want to put an end to conversions, then caste exploitation has to stop. It is also true that a large number of Muslims have been brought into the Hindu fold in recent years. Such converts are immediately fitted into the caste system and given some status. The Vishva Hindu Parishad, which has issued a ban on all conversions, justifies conversion to the Hindu fold as a process of purification. The Parishad never publicises these conversions.
Of course, one cannot support Muslim organisations which will go to any lengths to convert Hindus, but these organisations only represent a minor section of the population. It is a myth that in this way the Muslims could 'take over India'.
A further myth is that Muslims are becoming economically stronger at the expense of Hindus. This is, to say the least, ridiculous. It may be true that in some places Muslims are increasingly competing with Hindus. But this is not a generalised trend. There is upward mobility of some Muslims but one should not be crazy enough to think that they are a generalised threat to Hindu economic interests. 24
Sikhs on guard in Golden Temple (DR)
Educationally, Muslims are much more backward than Hindus. In employment, Muslims are not even proportionally represented. It is difficult to get jobs in a Hindu dominated market. The notion that Muslims are taking over is even belied in the population figures - in 1981 they formed a minimal 13 per cent of the total population which is a very slight increase from twenty or thirty years ago.
As mentioned above, there is an increasing trend towards riots all over India. This gives the lie to the theory that Muslims are riot prone since these riots occur all over. Jammu and Kashmir states have a majority Muslim population and they have the least riots. Srinagar, with an 85 per cent Muslim population has virtually no riots, while other towns with a smaller number of Muslims do have riots.
The conclusions to be reached from the above analysis are quite obvious. In the words of one writer, Asgar Ali
Engineer, "Communalism in India, ever since the struggle for independence from British rule began, has been the art of realising secular ends through religious means by the elites of both communities'
We strongly believe that the fight against communalism cannot wait till the D-day of the revolution. Nor will we wait until the riots occur to propagate genuine secularism. It has to begin now in every sphere of life. We must, therefore, demand:
- an end to any public demonstration of religious expressions.
- an end to all state aid to religious institutions.
- immediate scanning of existing curriculum in schools and colleges and deletion of communal references.
no day, other than a day of national importance, should be a holiday. Holidays or festivals such as Diwali, Id, Christmas, etc. should be stopped.
International Viewpoint 1 October 1984
erage for days. • At no time did government ministers agree to be interviewed about the affair.
They had no confidence in people's readiness to believe the story about Noonan's principles. They knew damn well that a statement issued by the Re-
The release of Nicky Kelly lease Nicky Kelly Campaign was telling the truth: The "release is a vindication of (Kelly's) determined stand and a victory for all those who have campaigned on his behalf."
Kelly has no doubts about this. "it was a victory for the struggle. It was an unusual victory in the context of modern power, particularly within the state."
Why did Noonan suddenly release people politically affiliated to the anti-imperialist movement, sentencec felly to a twelve year term. The Dublin government's Minister for Justice, Michael Noonan, stated that