the union is the secretariat. you can't really do a great deal on an member representing you.
Q. What will the confederation executive mean in
A. Firstly, we are part of the union,
And in this sense to be on the body where the line of march of the union will be deour point of view - and we will later on what effect that has - but also to have more relations with and more understanding of what is going on in the union where there are many people working through tions, as we explained earlier.
From another point of view, all the comrades who are intervening different federations and regions will be able to rely on more support for their activity. This is important. difficult and trying. It is good if the comrades can be backed up as much as possible, just as it is right and good that they should feel represented withthe leadership of the union. is what is important - not what one person out of fifty members of an executive committee can do.
Another important thing is what can be done in unity with the supporters of the Clemente slate on the executive and on the Federal Council and in all the other bodies. be done, because together we form significant minority, even if, as I have should not the importance of our presence
One of the most positive aspects of the congress was the degree of democracy and openness in the CCOO. things within the union doesn't it?
The CCOO has some very democratic features which represent the gains of the union and its history, with the traditional strength of the the broad united movement, and the need felt for democracy. basis on which the Workers Commisthat, fortunately, from the beginning, they had a system which was well-adapted to represent different positions, that is, proportional representation. If today we were faced with building a new union, I don't know how it would work out, but it would not be the same thing at all.
However, although these democratic gains have been preserved - and we not underestimate the importance of that — we must also recognise the backward steps which have been taken in the union, even on the question of proportional representation. In for example, you have to get 20 per cent of the votes to get anyone elected and it is the same in the EngiInternational Viewpoint October 15, 1984 neering Federation. Luckily, the confederal congress did not adopt an amendment that aimed to make the limit even
This proportional representation is an arrangement which makes it possible for different currents within the union machinery to express themselves when there are important differences but does not allow the expression of positions that might come from outside the
This deterioration of the internal situation corresponds to the shift in policy of the union. Or to put it this way, when a union is mobilising people it needs to draw together the maximum effort, goodwill and proposals on what
Such a union will be forced to be open and democratic. That is what it was like before. But a union which is that wages will have to be reduced, to participate in mobilisations which it doesn't control and holds back the combativity of the workers, will automatically reduce democracy at the same time, because the participation of the rank and file doesn't interest the leaders any more. So democracy takes
And a union where the participation of the workers rapidly ends up with only the leading bodies functioning, had a very rich internal life.
In the Workers Commissions, apart from the business of these gains which everyone attaches a lot of importance to, publicly, there are a number of other disturbing signs which are just as, if not more, important. vidual sanctions and expulsions have been handed down frequently such as the dissolution of certain strucexpulsions, are threatcharacter of the last example touches on proportional representation because minority positions held throughout the confederation from gaining a majority in important sections of the union and being able to operate autonomously, with the support of the workers and the rank and file of the section, and thus justify their line in practice.
Q. In your manifesto for the candidature in the congress you said, among other things, that the union must learn how to win young people, women, unemployed, etc. Do you think that the Workers Commissions are attractive to these sections?
A. Whenever you discuss why young people, women or the unemployed won't join the union you usually commit two
The first consists in the situation is due to objective conditions because few young people in work, and still less atomised, etc. The second would be to see it as only an organisational problem, if you like. But the real problem is a combination of the two plus the question of political strategy.
Of course, it is true that not many young people are in work and this makes it difficult to unionise them; it is true that the unemployed are very dispersed and that the situation of women in the current crisis is very tragic, etc. But is is equally true that a union that wants to be a socio-political force the will to work hard around a series of issues and must have a style of interdoes not alienate secWorkers Commissions take seriously the fight for peace and against Nato and the foreign bases, not just to win young people over, but because the contribution of workers to movement is important and the CCOO have a big responsibility in drawing workers into this mobilisation; if the union took that seriously, it would be an attractive organisation for young people who are fighting for peace, for those wondering where they will and, if they are already working, how they can take on the boss.
In the same way, if the CCOO were not so male-dominated and were to the struggles of women workers and the demands of feminists, the union would be able to take up the tragedy of women's lives with much more force. They are the first to be slung out of work and find it the most difficult to get jobs. because the unions are so male-dominand because they only play the 'female angle' to the 'gallery' or take it up because it would be too difficult to say they were not for women, the CCOO, in practice, do very little for
It is the same for the unemployed It is natural that unemployed will engage in very radical struggles and the leadership of the CCOO is panic. struck when threatened with these types of struggles. If, instead of this, the CCOO were to put themselves on the side of the unemployed in their struggle and were to defend their demands, they would draw more unemployed people
Furthermore, the CCOO must create the necessary organisational structures for an intervention into these sectors; they should create youth secretariats, youth groups in all the areas; they should give more resources to the women's secretariat; they should not just be content to unionise the unemployed, but to help in their self-organisation.
The Workers Commissions could be•come attractive to these sections of
And, anyway, the union also needs them.
Joaquin Nieto also devoted some time in to Central America and solidarity Workers Central, who
Night work for women - No thank you!
On August 27, after eight months of procrastination, work. After the PSO distributed further information the Swiss Federal Office for Industry, Arts, Trades and in the factory, the local FTM in Granges also decided
Labour (OFIAMT) refused to lift the ban on night to clearly oppose night work for women.
work for women workers in the Granges plant of the
The campaign continued to gather support, forcing watch firm ETA Ebauches, using as its justification convention 89 of the International Labour Organisa- the OFIAMT to postpone its decision until the autumn.
The women's conference of the FTMH, despite its leadership, and a day school organised by the USS (major-
Management had requested this for a 'trial period.
A letter from Thomke, the head of Ebauches, ity union confederation) on night work, added their
January 10 explained that they wanted to introduce weight to the forthright opposition to impose these night work for women because 'they are intelligent but worsened working conditions on women workers.
unqualified and thus are better suited to support Through the summer the campaign activity, with demonstrations and public meetings.
more conscientious, and less attracted by the The debate appeared regularly in the press and, finally,
Federal councillor Furgler
SWITZERLAND monotonous work than men.
continued its patient, possibility of promotion...
At a tripartite meeting in January between management, the OFIAMT and the union FTMH (Federation
La Breche, newspaper of the PSO was the only of Watch and Metalworkers) the union left open all newspaper to cover the campaign from the beginning possibilities.
Its articles are now collected and published as
The PSO (Socialist Workers Party, a pamphlet under the title Robots Day and Night, No the Fourth International) took the initiative to contact
The September 8 issue of La Breche the workers and launch a campaign, widely distributing published the following interview with Ariane and an interview with the workers entitled 'Our health is
Eveline of the national committee against night work our only asset.
for women, and Marie-Therese Sautebin of the PSO, on united committee of the left for the defence of jobs in the watch industry decided to clearly oppose night the outcome of the campaign.
Question. Why did you begin the campaign against night work for women at
Night work is an attempt to apply equal rights by the lowest common
The Ebauches proposal was quite the contrary to equality, it was based on many discriminatory ideas.
When the proposal became known, the unions only reacted in a lukewere already thinking about how it would be introduced. They never informed the public of Ebauches' real plans or of the consequences of night work in general.
We were alone when we began the fight.
What arguments did you use?
come public. So we began to systematicpublish detailed information on
Ebauches' request. We called on doctors to make known adverse effects of such working hours on one's health. The PSO started the public criticism, it also worked with the united left committee, and helped to alert the FRA (Organisation for the Cause of Women).
A. The Neuchatel branch of the PSO contacted and informed the women
When they learnt what was in store for them - particularly the hours — the majority of the women were opposed to night work. Of the 60 women originally prepared to do this work only 15 remained so.
had not thought it necessary to inform or organise them.
What were the first results of this information campaign?
This refusal. Swiss section of
Thank You! of February the
E. The left organisations didn't react very much. The POCH [a centrist organisation] and the Socialist Party participated in the united committee that the PSO called, without actually making a
For example, we are waiting for the POCH to take a position
You know the position of the socialist Dubois from Neuchatel [a councillor of state who was in favour of authorising night work]; the SP is not opposed in any
A. On the other hand, the OFRA took an active part, its members began to discuss the question of equality and how it related to protective labour legislation.
M-T. There was too little discussion in the unions. It was really only individual members who were active. The SSP (public service union) and FTCP (Textiles, and Paper Federation) did, however, take part in the united committee, as did the Christian unions. Given the slow pace of action in the unions, the thinking should continue, particularly in the public services, health, communications, where night work exists: what are the working conditions, health protection measures, working hours?
There were lively reactions in the gen-
The petitions of doctors and women, and the mass postcard sending organised by the action committee were an enormous success. Lots of people came to the meetings in different towns.
What part did all this play in the Federal Council's decision?
A. The relationship of forces that was created in this way bore fruit little to deliver It's no accident that the OFIAMT hesitated for eight months before giving its decision! The USS had to take a very firm position during the consultation procedure, even though beforehand, and still today, it has not come out against night work in industry. It should be noted that the press is giving it the credit for the success, but in fact it always adopted a 'wait and see' policy.
Q. How do you explain the fact that Furgler [who gave the decision] hid behind juridical arguments?
Convention 89 of the ILO is a real barrier [to the introduction of night work]. However, it became a lifebelt for Furgler because he had to say no, but as a bourgeois politician, a Christian Democrat at that, he could not decently use a feminist argument linked to equal rights or defence of the workers. He appeared as an impartial judge in the affair, but it shouldn't be forgotten that he was forced to say no, and that he explicitly promised the employers that he would do everything possible to get rid of this ban during the revision of the labour laws.
Q. What will happen now?
E. Ebauches are saying it's a scandal and are going to make use of the occasion to force the workers to accept its conditions. The socialist Dubois is regretting the decision of the Federal Council and predicting a bleak future for the watch industry, in doing this he is walking hand in hand with the bosses. Thus, there is going to be a strong pressure to change the labour laws during the revision in
We have to keep up activity by organisations and the general public.
International Viewpoint October 15, 1984
votes received by Georges Marchais as its presidential candidate in 1981, it dropped to 11.28 per cent, scraping in just above the fascist list headed by Jean-Marie Le Pen, leader of the National
Such a rout once more provoked talk,
Mitterrand's 'new deal' with increased credibility, of the 'historic decline of the French CP. From that point, the question of the party's leaving the government became an increasingly live issue. Such a catastrophic result in the elections could only strengthen the hand of those within the CP leadership
The forecast that 1984 would be the 'difficult year for President Mitterrand turned out to be correct. The regime has discouraged a good number of workers through austerity and unemployment, and the left again found itself in a clear minority in the European elections on June 17.
One week later an enormous demonstration took place in Paris, under the banner of the defence of private education. This was a demonstration of strength by the opposition, capable of destabilising the government In this situation the right could consider that it was in a position to discuss how long a respite the left parties (Socialist Party, SP, and Communist Party, CP) would be given to manage the government. But this was to without the skilful politicking of Francois Mitterrand and to underestimate the room for manoeuvre allowed him by the undemocratic institutions of the Fifth Republic.
who had argued for a long time that the CP should get out of the stifling stranglehold that the governmental alliance with the SP meant for them.
For its part, the Socialist Party undoubtedly holds the majority in the Na-
Assembly, which would allow it would be sure to continually point out, the SP now represents only 21per percent
In addition, there was a minor list presented by the United Socialist Party (PSU) and the United Democratic Com-
This minicoalition wanted to present itself as the 'honest left', while giving undisguised support to the government (in which the PSU has members). It was totally marginalised, getting only .72 per cent of the vote.
operation remote-controlled by Mitterrand, that is the campaign of the radical and ecologist coalition ERE, was a miserable failure. (3)
it was a much-weakened left that had to face a right wing that had not only become the majority but was also affected by a right-wing radicalisation, which was illustrated by the spectacular election breakthrough of Le Pen in the European elections.
Such results could only be interpreted as the death knell for the Mauroy govern-
Fabius, the new young herald of 'Mitterrandism' (DR)
Prime ministers have usually lasted a long time under the Fifth Republic. Not only did Pierre Mauroy prove no exception to the rule, but he did so to excess. The reason for this is simple: Mauroy, called on to lead the government at Mitterrand's victory in 1981, had become a symbol of the 'continuity' of presi dential policy. A representative of the people, carefully handled by the CP, he seemed the best placed to preserve the myth that the left and Mitterrand would keep their promises. In short, for three and during the course of three governments, he was charged with ensuring that the workers and his own majority swallowed many lies and affronts.
In fact, behind all the song and dance about a 'new course and ringing appeals to the 'people of the left', the actual policy of the governments led by Mauroy has been: austerity since the adoption of
June 1982; imperialist expeditions to Chad and Lebanon; attempts to compromise with the Catholic International Viewpoint October 15, 1984 hierarchy on the questions of private
Such policies are a clear rejection of the deep aspirations of the workers that had been expressed in the election of Mitterrand and of a Socialist and Communist majority to the National Assembly
The electoral answer to these policies was quickly given by the municipal elections in 1983 and the European elections In 1984, which saw the left defeated and put into a minority. (1) The European election results for the governmental parties were a cutting rejection of their policies.
The electoral weakening of the left is in great measure due to a deepgoing political phenomenon, the growth of abstentionism among working-class voters. (2) This abstentionism is an expression of the refusal by many workers and young people to approve policies that go against their interests, as well as of a real con-
The Communist Party is most affectsuffered a crushing defeat. While its aim was to stabilise the 15.35 per cent of ment, which had lasted too long and was, in everybody's opinion, incapable of prefor the decisive occasion of the 1986 legislative elections. The last mission left to Mauroy to accomplish was to act on the education question.
Faithful to the secular tradition of the socialist left, the candidate Mitterrand in 1981 had promised that 'a great public, unified and secular national education system' would be set in place. (4) This meant adopting the traditional position of the National Secular Action Committee (CNAL) and launching a counter-offensive for the left by repealing the anti6.421,00 and 32049ken 8,591,000 The SP and CP lists taken together won votes (42.88%) for the RPR/UDR list, the votes of the extreme-right National Front are added a total of more than 10 million votes
The rate of abstention in the European against 39% in 1979.
The ERE list won 3.31% of the votes been given the status of a and equal time on radio and This was the 7th of the "110 Proposals' made by Mitterrand at Evry on March 15, 1981 during his election campaign.
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FRANCE
secular laws passed by the right during its long reign. (5)
However, in office President Mitterrand wanted to use this burning issue to give a demonstration of his policy of compromise. So, education minister Savary was charged to negotiate with the Catholic hierarchy on the introduction of new links between private schools and the national publie education service.
Under the pressure of more and more massive mobilisations on the part of the supporters of private education, Savary ended up proposing a law which gave total satisfaction to the Catholic hierarchy. But a few last-minute secondary amendments conceded to the Socialist deputies threw the private-school camp into a fury.
The leaders of this camp then played their ace by organising a gigantic demonstration, a million-strong, in Paris in defence of private education. Such a mobilisation to defend 'threatened educational Mitterrand and the left of wanting to suppress democratic freedoms. harsh blow for the government at the point when the right-wing majority in the Senate was engaged in constitutional guerrilla warfare to block the Savary law already adopted by the National Assem-
What was supposed to be the jewel in the crown of Mitterrand's policy of compromise turned out to be a real hornets
The success of the demonstration on June 24, just after the European elections, was a terrible slap in the face for Mitterrand and an inglorious ending for the Mauroy government. Mitterrand's manoeuvres
It was at this point that Mitterrand decided to himself move to the front line in this political confrontation, and carry out a disengagement operation, using the excessive powers that the constitution of the Fifth Republic grants the head of state.
The first manoeuvre was to seize on the proposal put forward by the right to submit the question to a referendum. nounced that a referendum would be organised on an amendment to the constitution that would make it possible to use the referendum procedure for questions affecting 'public freedoms'. words, a referendum on the referendum! It was a tortuous but effective move to put the opposition in a difficult situation.
The debate then shifted education question to that of the referendum, while Mitterrand cleansed himself of the accusation of wanting to attack democratic freedoms. (6) In this way he even returned the ball to the other camp. The opposition thus found itself forced either to accept the principle of the referendum and vote 'yes' to enlarging the scope of the referendum procedure, or to reject the principle and
Philippe Herzog, Communist Party economist (DR) make it impossible to have a referendum in the future on democratic freedoms, particularly in education, such as it itself had proposed as a challenge to the
La period of intense right opted for an obstructionist tactic whereby the Senate, in which the right holds the majority, would referendum procedure asked for by
At the same time Mitterrand decided to abandon the Savary law, which amounted to putting an end to the education debate that had inflamed passions for three years, at the price of a spectacular retreat.
The price of this double presidential manoeuvre was costly: the referendum has come to nothing and the Savary law has been consigned to the rubbish bin; as has any perspective of a unification of the education system. But Mitterrand was also able to open the way to his main aim: the formation of an - almost -new government.
All of a sudden - for such are the Mauroy was able to present himself as 'of the left' while Fabius took his first steps as the young herald of the presigovernment's 'new look', with Fabius, is supposed to introduce a new political balance and a new orientation.