Extracts from the DRU platform
The DRU (United Revolutionary Leadership) was launched at sixth congress of the COB. It is composed of several organisations and trade-union groups including: the Bolivian Communist Party Marxist-Leninist (PCB-ML); the Tupaj Katari Revolutionary Movement (MRTK); dissident factions within the Socialist Party-1; the workers' section of the Movement of the Revolutionary Left (MIR); sections of the Revolutionary Left Front (FIR); the Revolutionary Party of the Nationalist Left (PRIN) which was established by Juan Lechin, the main leader of the COB itself; the Rank and File Peasants Movement (MCB); the Trade Union Work Group (GTS); the Revolutionary Workers Party, Bolivian section of the Fourth International (POR-U); a small organisation calling itself Trotskyist and named the Revolutionary Workers Party (POR-pie).
In an interview published in Em Tempo, a revolutionary Marxist journal in Brazil, on October 11, a leader of the POR-U defined the main objectives of the DRU as being, 'to respond to the bankruptcy of the UDP, to its discrediting within the workers' movement and to the break of the workers with the UDP government identified as it is with the IMF and with policies to suit the bourgeoisies. In response to attempts to stage a coup from the right, they declared that, 'the DRU was created in this context in order to respond to the need for a real alternative among workers in the struggle for their historic objectives which are clearly expressed in the fourth congress of the COB in 1970.
We publish below major excerpts from the DRU document which was reproduced in Bandera Socialista, the paper of the POR-U, in September 1984.
We gave ample proof of our commitment to the democratic process on June 30 this year at the time of the abortive coup by a group of fascist narcotics dealers. We suspended the general strike [which had been called previously for economic demands] and closed ranks behind the COB. But what interests us is not the formal existence of bourgeois democracy or the preservation of this system as an end in itself, but the extent to which it allows us to advance on a sure footing toward our long-term goals.
The intermediate groups between the Executive Committee (CEN) and the base of COB (confederations, federations, etc.) have not functioned effectively. They were not able to explain to the workers the significance of the struggles and their scope. A particularly dismal example was the failure to explain to the rank and file the new policy of the Emer-
There is a further negative balance sheet to be drawn especially in the recent period. democracy has been distorted in practice. Sectarianism has put the unity of the workers' movement in jeopardy. problems of the federations and confederations, especially those concerning the election of delegates to the congress, had one main cause, and that was lack of respect for workers' democracy.
This democracy must be preserved at all costs. It is one of the major strengths of the Bolivian workers' movement and one of its most striking characteristics compared to other workers' movements.
necessary that the workers' movement rearm itself ideologically along the lines of the strategic objectives of the 1970 political thesis (fourth congress of the COB), resume with renewed vigour its role as an alternative power by adopting policies that take account of the experiences of the last few years and open up a transitional period means of a programme for national liberation and be-
We of the Bolivian workers' movement reaffirm the thesis of the fourth congress of the COB. We declare as our ultimate objective the introduction of a socialist society. tariat is the revolutionary class in society both because of its place in the production process and the creative aspects of its ideology and political consciousness. As workers we represent the true goals of the national struggle and at the same time assume the leading role in the revolution. We are ever aware of the fact that only an alliance of workers, peasants and impoverished middle layers in the towns can assure final victory.
Bolivia is a backward dependent country, dominated by imperialism. As a result, the national liberation struggle is part of the historic mission of the Bolivian working class. The antinational character of the ruling class means that the exploited will have to complete the tasks that will open the way for truly independent socia. and economic development.....
The government that was formed in October 1982 i bourgeois in its methods and in its programme. It is therefore not surprising that the UP regime, whilst pretending to tackle the economic crisis in an even-handed manner, ultimately comes down in favour of the bourgeoisie.
There are only really two alternatives: either to advance the objective of social and national liberation through trans forming the process into a revolutionary one, or to perish under imperialism and fascism. Unity of the workers and peasants movement is vital, and dispersal of our forces would be suicide. Unity will take us forward. Just as fascism represents the destruction of all aspects of workers' democracy within bourgeois society, so the only way to fight back is to strengthen the workers' organisations by going forward on the road to workers' control and preparing the workers to fight fascism and imperialism wherever they rear their heads.
As workers we have fought to become involved at all levels of political and economic decision-making to guarantee the democratic process and find the means to confront the political and economic crisis of our country....
The fulfillment of the desire to participate in political and economic decision-making, in the long run, involves the con-
That was why, whilst pushing for such involvement in decision making, we also understood that it would not be sufficient in itself. We recognised that the achievement of a degree of democracy should not mean reneging on our historic objectives. Only those who have abandoned the fight for a society without exploiters or exploited retain the illusion that the bourgeoisie will give up their power bit by bit....
The period from November 1982 to August 1984 has revealed a trend of growing social conflict. This is determined by two main factors. The first is the increasingly acute nature of the crisis, combined with the persistent orientation of the government, which is trying to solve that crisis by taking antinational and anti-working class measures. fact that the mobilisations, because of their defensive character, led to the signing of agreements that the government never
The defense of the democratic process is one of the fundamental preoccupations of the workers' movement. sents a gain for the workers against the military dictatorships. We defend democracy against our long-time enemies - the coup-d'etat-happy bosses and their allies in the army. We even defend the government. In reality, the destabilisation of the country is largely the result of conspiracies by the right wing But it is also brought about by the government itself insofar as successive economic packages have adversely affected certain layers of workers, demoralised them and made them lose confidence in democracy.
International Viewpoint 12 November 198/
The women's camp has existed since 1981 (DR)
ament) members.
So far, the women had been ignored by the press. Angered by the silence, they decided to try something new: forty of them chained themselves to the main gate of the airbase. The base commander arrived and made his, now famous, statement that as far as he was concerned the women could stay there as long as they liked!
Altogether 39 people took him up on his offer. Sleeping bags and blankets were provided by local CND supporters. The warm September night meant that no tents were yet necessary. The Greenham Common Women's Peace Camp had been established.
Of course, at the beginning the camp was not women only. The decision to make it so was taken in February 1982. It was not a question that men were not welcome. It was just that women were more effective on their own.
This was demonstrated by the experience of the second women's action at Greenham on March 21, 22, 1982. Then 250 women blockaded the main gate for 24 hours and 34 arrests took place.
The Greenham protest was now beginning to attract national attention.