The crisis of the Marcos regime
The crisis which has rocked the Philippine regime for try represents a grave danger.
more than a year is far from being resolved. In fact it political, but tomorrow it could become military.
the face of this threat,
It was the wish of the American administration movement must rally behind the Filipino people.
that the 1984 legislative elections on May 14 should We publish below interviews and a report by the prepare the way for a peaceful transition from the ex- journalist and activist, Deb Shnookal, done in connecisting family dictatorship of President Marcos to a new tion with her visit to the Philippines last September.
government better able to con- During that time, an international solidarity conferfront the rising social, democratic and revolutionary ence was held in the Philippines on the twelfth anniversary of the imposition of martial law on September
This project did make some progress, such as the The conference was prepared by several
PHILIPPINES is deepening.
bourgeois majority
21, 1972.
Today, it is mainly the international solidarity meetings and fact-finding commissions.
dividing of the opposition and the rallying of sections of the urban petty bourgeoisie to an electoral perspec-
Deb Shnookal followed the progress of one of the
However, the election results and the dynamism commissions on the spot.
eye-witness account of the repression which is hitting of the boycott campaign pursued by the popular forces indicated that the American counter-revolutionary peasants in the Quezon province.
example of the militarisation policy that the Marcos scheme was on its way to failure. (1)
The subsequent events have confirmed, in an often regime has brought in, and of exactly what it means to striking manner, that Washington has not yet managed to bring into line those forces within the regime and
Deb Shnookal was also able to meet with Jose the army that are opposed to democratic reform and
Maria Sison who is currently in detention. Known as
The United States has, moredefend the status quo.
"Jo-Ma", he is the main historical leader of the Comover, been unable to isolate popular movements and munist Party of the Philippines (CPP) which is leadthe militant anti-imperialist wing of the opposition.
ing the NPA guerrillas.
On the contrary, the revolutionary forces continue to
We also publish below an interview with Rolando grow. The recent successes of the New People's Army
Olalia, president of the KMU (Kilusang Mayo Uno -
(NPA) guerrillas, especially on the island of Mindanao,
May 1 Movement), an independent union confederareinforce this trend.
In fact, the Philippine archipelago has become the
These articles originally appeared in Intercontinfocus of political and social struggle of the highest imental Press, published in New York, in October and
The US is aware of this, in particular since on Luzon Island it has some of the biggest military looks briefly at the recent developments in the Philipbases in the world.
The increasing imperialist intervention in the con- pines up to the beginning of December 1984.
Paul PETITJEAN
After two months of shilly-shallying the board set up by the government to inquire into the murder of former senator Benigno Aquino produced its report at the end of October 1984. Or rather, it produced several reports.
All members of the board were unanimous in rejecting the official version of the murder of
President Marcos' main competitor, according to which one man - a communist
Aquino as he stepped off the aeroplane that brought him back from exile. All are also that those immediately responsible for the killing were the soldiers charged with protecting the victim.
In other words, the entire Board of
Inquiry confirmed, after one year's inrestigation, what everybody in the Philip-
Benigno, 'Ninoy' pines already knew:
Aquino can only have been killed by one of the men in the official escort.
But the board was divided as to who was responsible higher up.
chairperson, Corazon Agrava, found herself in a minority of one in accusing,
International Viewpoint 28 January 1984
November 1984. apart from those in the escort, Brigadier General Luther Custodio, chief of staff of
Security (AVSECOM), who was in charge of Aquino's reception. The four other members of the board wanted to implicate the chief of staff of the army, General Ver; and the head of the Manila metropolitan command, MajorGeneral Prospero Olivas. military men and one civilian were accused on various counts in the board's Inquiry Board points the finger
The board did not dare accuse Marcos
He was not named in either of the two reports, and the entire opposition, even including the moderates, protested against this omission. gard, Salvador Laurel, the main spokesperson of the United Nationalist Democratic Organisation (UNIDO) [and possible candidate in the presidential elections], who is a pro-American but antiMarcos, stated on October 24, will ever believe that they [Custodio,
She was able to give an
The article which precedes them Olivas and Ver] ordered the execution of Aquino on their own inititiative.' (2)
The Board of Inquiry chosen by the president did not dare to point the finger of suspicion at either the head of state or his wife, the powerful Imelda. It must be taken into account that this body was subjected to 'intense pressure by government and military circles throughout its investigations. The fact that there were two reports shows how effective this pressure was. But the implication of high-ups in the army, and especially of General Ver, on its own will have important con-
General Ver is not just any old brass hat. A distant relative of Marcos, he is not a field officer, and did not come up through the ranks on the basis of his service record. He is, what they call in the Philippines, a 'political' officer. He became chief of staff through the direct
See International Viewpoint, No 59, September 17, 1984.
Quoted in Far Eastern Economic Review (FEER), November 8, 1984, by Guy Sacerdotti, p. 15.
11
tional business sectors took a notably
Cardinal Sin, the archbishop of Manila, delivered one of his more forceful speeches. Even the National Assembly felt obliged to demand an
The regime persists in displaying complete intransigence. Cagayan de Oro on Mindanao island has just had his election to the National Assembly made null and void by Comelec (4) and his seat given to a government party candidate. Aquilino Pimentel is in fact a moderate bourgeois opposition figure who has a mass base in the area and who could emerge as a national figure in the framework of the 1987 presidential
Other local politicians, again on Mindanao island, were crudely murdered by hired killers. (5)
The American strategy seems to be to keep Marcos in until the 1987 presidential elections, whilst also preparing the
Anti-Marcos demonstration violently dispersed by police (DR) intervention of President Marcos, whom he served as chauffeur and body guard. He is considered today to be one of the dictator's right-hand men, as well as one of his most respected advisers.
President Marcos displeasure at the implication of a man so close to him was well-known. In a letter to Ver, Marcos wrote stances under which the board has chosen to implicate you with its findings are fraught with doubt and great contradictions of opinion and testimony...we are deeply disturbed...' (3)
The decision, reported a long time ago, of the majority of the Board of Inquiry to point the finger of blame at General Ver reflects first of all the political situation in the Philippines. May 1984 legislative elections did not mark the end of the mass mobilisations that assassination Benigno Aquino on August 21, 1983.
Very large demonstrations took place during the election campaign These were given impetus by the call for a boycott, and were followed up after the ballot on May 14.
On August 21, 1984, for the first anniversary of the death of "Ninoy' Aquino, the largest crowd ever, assembled in the capital. Up to two million people are thought to have demonstrated that day in the metropolitan area. lion of those gathered together at a huge central rally in which mingled the yellow colour of the 'Aquinists' and the red of the popular forces. was impossible to accept the official ver-
However, the board was only able to investigate General Ver himself because they had the support of Washington to do
The American administration is in fact extremely worried by the turn of events. Since the murder of Aquino they have been trying to prepare the way for a successor to Marcos by reinvolving the traditional business class in the political
This section of the bourgeoisie has been pushed into opposition by the nouveaux riches of the presidential clique. The American administration also seeks to impose democratic reforms capable of rallying sections of society such as the urban petty bourgeoisie.
But Washington has come up against strong resistance from within the regime and the army. The presidential clique did not show the slightest inclination for a real compromise, and the government established after the May 14 poll is a carbon copy of the one which preceded it. Moderate opposition politicians who are still snubbed by the regime have had to go back again to the 'parliament of the streets' and participate in mass demonstrations against the regime. Regime intransigent
The repression is becoming more and more violent. While the massive rallies of August 21 were not attacked by the forces of 'law and order', this forebearance was not repeated one month later, on the occasion of the twelfth anniversary of the declaration of martial law.
September 21, 1984, 50,000 demonstrators were forbidden access to the Mendiola bridge, symbolic because it leads to Malacanang, the presidential
At dawn on September 22, 4,000 demonstrators who had organised an evening of prayer to protest against this ban were dispersed in a brutal fashion through the use of water cannons, tear gas and plastic bullets fired from American M16 Armalite rifles. Some thirty demonstrators were seriously hurt during
On September 27, a further demonstration was organised against police brutality. But this time the order to fire live ammunition was given. This repressive action led to one death, that of a passerby killed by a pistol bullet. Fidel Nemenzo, was not expected to recover, although he later did, and several demonstrators disappeared, probably way for a successor. The American addivided, and President has aroused fury amongst the moderate oppositionists in the pines by declaring - to the embarrassment of the State Department - during the US election campaign that there was no alternative to the Marcos regime except the Communists.
However, the dominant line in American diplomacy remains to get a process of transition underway. As part of this, they need to insure Philippine army. But the army's hand has been considerably strengthened since the declaration of martial law, twelve years ago. - It had never, until then, played a directly political role. It now possesses formidable power. Formed and financed by the US, it is nonethless the main backer of the Marcos family dictatorship.
'Political' officers such as General Ver owe their positions (military and economic) to personal links that they have with the president's family or with his wife, Imelda Romualdez, as do the businessmen around the president. They are seekmaintain and strengthen their positions, which would be very difficult if the regime were democratised. They pose a very serious threat of a coup d'etat - which would be without precedent in the history of the country - and are blackmailing Washington.
The spokespeople of the American administration, from vice-president Bush right through to the US ambassador in the Philippines, have let it be known publicly that they are not happy with Marcos intransigence and that they would like to see the conclusions of the Board of Inquiry's majority report containing the accusation against General Ver followed up by real action.
It is now widely known that Washington supports General Fidel Ramos,
Comelec is the body charged with loverInternational Viewpoint 28 January 1984
currently acting chief of staff, while Ver suspended from duty. Ramos, himself also a distant relative of Marcos, is in fact a product of American military schools. He is considered to be a 'professional' field soldier who earned his stripes in action against the Communists in Korea and against the NPA in the Philippines.
Ramos probably represents US interests among senior staff in the same way that the technocrat prime Virata, represents those of the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) within the government.
The rivalry between Generals Ver and Ramos goes back a long way. It took on a new political content with the assassination of Aquino, and most particularly when the Board of Inquiry made their findings public. A violent internal struggle is probably going on within the regime, its army and the government.
The majority of the top officers' corp have reaffirmed their support for General Ver, following his suspension. eight of the 83 generals in the armed forces issued to the press an unprecedentadded, 'we are morally convinced that he is innocent of the dastardly crime being attributed to him.' (6)
As for General Ver himself, he. dismisses the Board of Inquiry as an instrument of enemies of the state. did not sign the manifesto. But he has indicated doubt that he could use his current position to purge the army. He stated on November 13 that the temporary character of his office prevented him from introducing the necessary reforms within the army, despite the urgent need
'within our ranks such... enemies as arrogance, ceremonial pomp, intrigue, waste, abuse of authority, laziness, corruption (and) divisiveness.
In the face of the crisis and of American pressures, the president's clique and the businessmen and high-ranking officers who are close to him have retrenched themselves in their position, as if it were an impregnable fortress. But the general situation is becoming more and more ex-
It was not for nothing that the US ambassador in Manila, at a meeting of the Rotary Club, referred pointedly to the situation in Iran before the fall of the
He warned that 'those countries in which power is concentrated in the hands which lack institutional mechanisms for facilitating internal compromise are less able to accomodate pressures for change. Change may be resisted, but when it breaks through - as it inevitably will - it disrupts societies and may even tear them asunder. (8)
Nevertheless, the United States continconcretely, to support President Washington's only alternative was murdered more than a year ago. He was Benigno Aquino.
The crisis of the regime is only a reflection of the social crisis which is tearing the country apart. As the price for rescheduling of part of its huge foreign debt, the Philippine government had to accept a series of measures imposed by the IMF and banks to which it owes money, including allowing the peso to float and levying new taxes.
The annual inflation rate for 1984 has already been estimated at 65 to 70 per
That is unique in this region. The far from keeping pace At the beginning November, the minimum wage for an industrial worker in Manila was due to go up from 35 pesos a day to 37 (that is, about £2.50), and the cost-of-living bonus from 14 to 17 pesos a week. "adjustments' had taken place in May and June, when the value of the Philippine currency had gone from 14 to 21 pesos to the dollar since the beginning of the year.
Over and above such figures, larger and larger sections of the working population - workers, peasants, the urban poor, but also teachers, etc. — are sinking from poverty to destitution and sometimes with no hope of escape.
The spectre of hunger riots such as those that were sparked in Latin America brought on by the austerity plans imposed by the IMF is beginning to haunt the Philippines, and this is at a time when the Communist Party's guerrilla movement is gaining strength day by day. (9)
The situation in the Philippines is as precarious as Marcos health. the August 1983 crisis — with the return and subsequent assassination of Aquino -thought Marcos was about to die. Since then, medical treatment succeeded in getting him back on his feet temporarily. But, in a period of political upheaval, President Marcos had to disappear from the scene for three weeks for health reasons at the end of November [and again recently]. The battle for the succession is already in full swing among the regime's supporters.
However, what is more important for all revolutionists around the world is that there exists in the Philippines a mass movement that is engaged in an independent struggle, seeking to impose an anti-imperialist solution to the crisis. what the Nationalist Alliance gave expres sion to in its appeal published on Sep-
Today the Filipino people stand at a crucial point in the nation's
Emphasising that it was necessary to maximise the organisational capacities of the movement and reinforce unity, the appeal continued: "The need to strengthen unity among the present anti-dictatorship forces cannot be overemphasised So that it will be stable and lasting, let us base our political unity on the principle that US imperialism as well as its junior partner, the Marcos regime, are the targets of the anti-dictatorship struggle. Let us share, too, a strong commitment to rely principally on the people's strength and their unrelenting initiative dismantling the present rule. differences on many matters are bound to occur within any broad front, these can be resolved or relegated to secondary significance so long as we hold supreme the interests of bringing down the present and liberating the Filipino
SCRAM!
International Viewpoint 28 January 1984 people.' (10)
December 3, 1984
6.
FEER, p. 14, op. cit.
Sacerdotti in FEER,
7.
Quoted by
Guy
November 22, 1984, p. 10.
FEER,
Nayan
Chanda in
Quoted by
November 8, 1984, p. 16.
See IV, No 49, March 26, 1984.
9.
full in the
10.
The appeal was published in
Solidaridad II.
1984 edition of
July-August
The full name of
The quote is from page 13.
the Nationalist Alliance is the Nationalist Al-
Freedom and
Democracy liance for Justice,
(NAJFD).
It unites a series of local organisations of the masses on a general 'class struggle"
orientation.
13
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being the highest woman official of the
CPP.
Her husband, a CPP leader, had been killed in an armed conflict two years
Since then she is supposed to have ago.
said that she no longer wished to be po-