International Viewpoint Archive

The Fourth International’s English-language review, from 1982

Around the World: South Africa, Great Britain, Canada

International Viewpoint No. 73, 8 April 1985 · pp 26-27 · 1,876 words

Britain and Ireland Africa Canada and Quebec Women's liberation

SOUTH AFRICA

Freedom fighters on trial

On Tuesday, February 18, a wave of arrests hit the central leadership of the United Democratic Front of South Africa. Six of the arrested, including Albertina Sisulu, whose husband is one of the imprisoned leaders of the banned African National Congress, and Black trade union leader Sam Kikine, have been charged with high treason, for which the maximum penalty is death. The six, whose trial is due to begin on March 29, will be joined in the dock by eight other militants of the UDF arrested on August 21 last year during the campaign to boycott the elections to the new Indian and Coloured chambers of the South African parliament. These elections were part of a public relations job by the Pretoria regime destined to convince international public opinion that the apartheid system was being reformed, whereas in fact, their essential aspect was to perpetuate the exclusion of the black majority.

The UDF was formed in August 1983, precisely to organise opposition to the constitutional reform, adopted on November 2 of that year, which provided for the creation of the Coloured and Indian chambers. It groups together more than 700 organisations of many different types (unions, community organisations, etc.), united in their common opposition to apartheid. Within the front, there are many disagreements over how best to conduct the struggle, despite the efforts of the Pretoria regime to present the organisation as simply a legal cover for the banned ANC. One of its patrons is 1984 Nobel Peace Prize winner, Bishop Desmond Tutu.

In the wake of arrests, Patrick Lekota, spokesperson of the UDF declares that *the fragile image of reasonableness has already cracked'. He was referring to the much-publicised offer by the regime to release long-term prisoners on condition that they denounce the use of violence. The best-known of these prisoners, particularly the most celebrated among them, ANC leader Nelson Mandela, have refused this offer. The Transvaal Indian Congress, one of the UD's affiliated organisation, has declared: "At the moment when Mr Botha is speaking to Mandela and asking him to renounce violence, he arrests and charges with high treason the leaders of the UDF and other organisations which have always favoured peaceful change.

What concerns the South African government is not the forms of struggle favoured by this or that leader or component organisation of the UDF. It is rather that the organisation has developed a representativness and a mass base (it claims the support of 1.5 million people on the basis of opposition to the apartheid system. This has to be seen in the context of an increasingly volatile situation in the country, as shown on the one hand by the success of last year's boycott campaigns and on the other by the now endemic riots on the Black townships, which have resulted in more than twenty deaths over the last six months.

Protests against the latest wave of arrests should be sent to: P. W. Botha, Union Building, Pretoria, South Africa. with copies to: United Democratic Front, PO Box 274, Salt River, Cape, South Africa. GREAT BRITAIN

Fighting for a woman's right to choose Ten years on

This year the National Abortion Campaign in Britain celebrates its tenth anniversary. Ten years of campaigning for a woman's right to choose whether or not she continues a pregnancy - ten years of fighting off the many attacks on the 1967 Abortion Act.

We still have a long way to go to achieve the full rights of women to control their own fertility and destiny. The 1967 Act allows for abortion on the National Health Service when the health of the woman is under threat if the pregnancy continues. This legislation of abortion in Britain saw an end to much of the suffering resulting from back street abortions. Although the Act does not go far enough, it was a huge gain for women, and must be defended. Still today, less than 50% of abortions performed in Britain are carried out through the National Health Service. We have to stand for the extension of the 1967 Act, and for the protection of existing already limited facilities.

Events have been organised around Britain to celebrate the ten years of NAC. Women are saying to the Thatcher government that they will not let our facilities go undefended - and that we will continue to campaign around the message 'Our bodies, our lives, our right to decide.'

The existence of the 1967 Act means that there are also facilities for women outside Britian to turn to. For example, thousands of Irish women are forced to travel to Britain every year, because abortion is illegal in their country. Irish women are campaigning in the North and South for that situation to change. situation in the South of Ireland is particularly difficult for women, following the passing of an Amendment to the Irish Constitution in September 1983. amendment inserted into the constitution the right to life from the moment of con-

This has allowed anti-abortion groups to become much more public and vociferous in their campaigning — and the atmosphere in Ireland amongst many women is of fear, fear of unwanted preg nancies and of backstreet abortions.

Meanwhile in February the Bill overwhelmingly passed at its second reading in the British House of Commons. Enoch Powell was a particularly right wing member of the Conservative government, well known for his racist views, and is now an Ulster Unionist Member of excellent opportunity to link up with the Catholic Church, and make his pronouncements on the the family and morality. The emotive title of the Bill - the 'Unborn Children (Protection) Bill - gave a clear indication that any consideration of women's rights was far from his thoughts. It is possible that there may not be time to deal with this Bill during this Parliamentary Session, but this should not deter those who oppose the Bill from speaking out now, and organising against

The aim of the Bill is to stop all would have very far-reaching effects on with fertility effectively stop much

In the so-called interest of the child", control of a woman's fertility still further from Under this Bill, any woman wishing to undergo in vitro fertilisation, would have to apply by name to the Secretary of State for permission.

The National Abortion Campaign has made clear its opposition to this Bill, and speakers at the different events month have explained that. Jo Richardson a Labour MP, fought for women against the Thatcher government, has been amongst the most

Unfortunately, the attitude of other Labour MPs half the Labour MPs present in the House of Commons that

This issue of embryo research and a woman's fertility is still regarded as there is a free vote on it amongst Labour

This attack on womens' rights from Powell has served as a reminder to those supporters of NAC in the Labour Party that there is still a long way to go. Women in the Labour Party have been to the forefront of arguing that a woman's right to control her own fertility and as a matter of policy, fundamental to our International Viewpoint 8 April 1985 fight for womens' rights.

Women fought long and hard for the

Labour Party to adopt its current pro-choice policy and often need to remind

This latest attack on fertility control has followed a recent High Court ruling in favour of Victoria Gillick who sought to prevent doctors from providing contraception to women under the age of 16 without parental knowledge. attacks are often more subtle and more difficult to argue against than the more reactionary attempts to restrict abortion in the last few years. In the past the National Abortion Campaign has succeeded in mobilising the labour movement in support of its demands. gives us the confidence to mobilise ainst the likes of Gillick and Powell and to fight for more extensive legislation and facilities in Britain. A. H. CANADA

Political frame-up of Armenians TORONTO - Charges murder against three Armenian political activists, in connection with the shooting of Turkish diplomat Kani Gungor in 1982, were dropped by a provincial court judge in Ottawa on January 8 at a preliminary

Harout Kevork, Raffic Balian and Haig Gharakhanian will go to trial on lesser charges of conspiracy to commit murder, despite the scarcity of evidence against

Melkon Gharakhanian, who was arrested with the others on March 12, was discharged on attempted murder and conspiracy charges last sum-

The remaining spent the past ten months in confinement, shunted between the Ottawa-Carlton Detention Centre and Toronto's archaic Don Jail to facilitate appearances at bail hearings and other legal proceedings.

New bail hearings have been requested in light of the latest ruling.

The nightmare of systematic legal harassment began in earnest for the four Armenian residents of Toronto in May when they charged with various counts of conspiracy and extortion. After being held bail for 112 days, all were released following an eight week preliminary hearing resulting in a number of charges being

None of the activists, contributors to the magazine Azad Hay (Free Armenian), has been convicted of any offense despite the many months they have languished behind bars.

The four are partisans of a unified, socialist Armenia, and disavow the methbeen linked by the commercial media.

Many see the harassment of the four activists, and the Armenian community at large, as an act of appeasement by the Canadian government towards its NATO ally Turkey, whose repressive right-wing regime still refuses to acknowledge the 1915 genocide of 1.5 million Armenians.

The political nature of the frame-up of the four Armenians was revealed when the new federal government's Security Intelligence Service blocked surveillance information requested by lawyers for the defendents.

"national security interests" the spy agency's counter-terrorism branch objected to the questioning of an Otto. wan police detective several RCMP officers involved in the surveillance of hundreds of Armenians in Canada, going

The defendents claim that the surveillance evidence would show conclusively that the four closely-monitored activists were nowhere near and had nothing to do with the wounding of the Turkish trade counsellor. But a Federal Court judge, in a separate proceeding, ruled against the release of this information.

Further cause for concern was fuelled by federal Coates' January 10 call for a peace-time version of the draconian War Measures Act to empower police to deal "public disorders" , as well as earthquakes

Taken together, statements make clear that the new Conservative federal government has picked up where the former Liberal regime left off: the conscious strengthening of police powers to spy upon, intimidate and disrupt the legal activities of advocates of social change, be they trade unionists, ecologists or international

The need to defend the three remai ing imprisoned Armenian urgent, even as the legal case against ther

Their families have been bankrupted by defense costs. The three, if again denied bail, face many more behind bars during what is expected to be a lengthy trial.

without public outcry, the aut orities will be encouraged to continoe to victimize the innocent.

It's time we fought back.

the charges! Free the An activists with full financin for wrongful prosecutin (Any contributions to the defense fun shoud be sent to: CIDAPP, PO Bos

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