The dispute started from area strikes and the national union making them official. I believe in ballot box democracy, but this raises
Two months after the end of the miners' strike in Britain, the effects are still being felt by the British labour movement. Below an interview with Peter Heathfield, general secretary of the National
Union of Mineworkers (NUM) on his balance sheet of the strike. The interview was given to Socialist Action, a revolutionary socialist paper within the Labour Party, and published on 3 May 1985.
Question. The NUM has just emerged from an historic 12 months. Would you like to look back and tell your assessment of the strike is? Was it worth coming out?
There are many aspects of the dispute which need to be analysed.
significant feature strike was the willingness of the resist the pressure of Thatcherism, as a whole that it had to fight back, that gains of former generations going to be taken away. The strike has of the movement that the many lessons was the uniqueness of the dispute with no claims on the table. It wasn't about it wasn't about improving conditions - it was in defence of jobs. For the first time a new generation were prepared to defend their jobs in a fashion that led to a dispute that extended disappointments were motivate the whole of our membership, and the fact that the trade union movement didn't fulfill its course prolonged the promises. That of strike and created enormous problems.
The fact that we didn't win the support of the Nottinghamshire and the
Midlands miners indicates that we failed to campaign adequately before the
We failed to recognise the political lesson of what was happening in the East Midlands, which is domiwho elected a nated by mineworkers
Tory MP in 1978 and 1983. That should have shown us a great deal.
I'd say there should have been more intensive campaigning before the decision in the that the 1978 objective of dividing miner from miner, that the level of earnings in the East Midlands compared to the level of earnings in Scotland brought about divisions within our ranks that we were not able to overcome. But of we didn't select the timing of the dispute — it was imposed upon us.
other very pertinent that, ostensibly, the dispute was about
International Viewpoint 3 June 1985 we reprint four million tonnes of capacity that MacGregor wanted to take out of the industry. In reality, I think everybody recognised it was about reforming the role of the coal mining industry within the British economy.
preparing the industry for privatisation. Most miners recognise that.
trade unionists industries have failed to recognise that fighting a battle for the
They were fighting a battle on behalf
Sadly, I think many more trade unionists will be caught lack of enthusiasm to join with us to gains and achievements Id like to ask you about some of the criticisms that were levelled at the NUM during the strike. Obviously there were those from the right of the trade union movement. I think you'd expect that. But towards the end of the strike, there was a lot of criticism from left and the so-called left about the tactics of the union and its national leadership. For example, from the ComCoordinating Militant. (1)
The main arguments, to concentrate on those of Marxism Today (journal of the Communist Party), were that the national leadership didn't do enough to persuade public opinion onto their side. Essentially because you refused to hold a national ballot that you weren't able to do that. And the tactics of mass picketing alientated a lot of
Militant took up a left version of that. Ted Grant, on the eve of the Labour attacked the NUM leadership. there should have been a ballot, not having one was an indication that the leadership lacked faith in the working
What would you say to those critics?
I find it strange that these so-called comrades decide to criticise the leadership. Some of the individuals the fundamental question of whether a the right to vote his mate
I would argue that if a ballot is to be part of the democratic process trade union, the question posed on the ballot paper must equally affect all those participating. I don't accept that when 70,000 jobs are going 185,000 should vote. Effectively that's giving people in long-life pits the veto over someone else's right to defend their job. I reject the view of those who with hindsight have changed
I accept that after the setbacks we've endured there will be critics. policies have been clearly defined to the rank and file. I have consistently advocated the defence of those policies and their application. If that warrants criticism, so be it.
There are those too who have sought to personalise the dispute. They have fallen into the media trap of Scargill
MacGregor. In fact, Scargill, Heathfield and the national executive committee - were collective decisions supported by overwhelming majority of the NEC.
The question of violence is one that many of us have declared ourselves on. We must distinguish what's happened are many innocent victims of picket line violence among our membership. There are many of our members who are victims of police line violence. There are many cases of agents provocateurs who have created violence on the
Our members have reacted to violence imposed on them by the state. Without defending violence, I am unwilling to accept that what happened on picket was at the instigation members. The miners have been projected as brutal people who are not interested in law and order. I reject that totally.
Q. Socialist Action doesn't share the views of the left critics who compare the scale of defeat to that of the 1926 General are all supposedly groupings of the left inside the Labour Party. Tribune used to be parliamentary Labour Party. leader of the Labour Party, is now a supporter of the policies of Kinnock. The Militant is the dominate Labour Party Young Socialists.
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BRITAIN
Strike. We say for from being the last struggle that closes an era, the miners' strike ореть о пеш гела
For 1 first time since Ad Cook (2), we be meto calibre of national lendersit - • leadership of the NUM that's shown right from the beginning that it's absolutely determined to win. I believe one of the things that's helped keep the miners out for such a long time is that they be had the confidence that theür mational executive is not doing bock-door deals, looking for ways of getting off the hook.
Something else has arisen from that. There is a differentiation within the left - you can see it most clearly in
The rank and file of the party poured into support committees, even though the leadership didn't offer anything like that same support. We've seen that differentiation among left within the party. Tribune for instance came out in support of Neil Kinnock, the LCC made similar criteisms to Marxism Today, lesson than game's up, let's pack up and go home. Perhaps you'd like to comment on that, and the support you've had from the committees during the dispute.
I think it's far too early to draw conclusions about the impact of the 12 months strike on the broader labour and trade union movement. some who argue we had a Labour government in 1929 because of what happened in 1926, so I would notaccept the analysis that many so-called left wingers are seen a politicisation within the labour movement without dent. I know I've fallen out with some of the pundits who said in 1972 and 1974 two last major strikes in industry - that they had brought about the politicisation of miners. They were declining standards of about money wage militaney.
But this strike has certainly seen the politicisation of a new miners. I think the lessons will be projected through a decade or more. (the average age of miners is 36), the experiences of the past 12 months will make a tremendous impact on their future outlook and attitude. The movement as a whole will be much richer for that experience. It will help to sustain the labour movement in the future.
The choice that faced the leadership of the NUM was whether it was prepared to do what trade unions have predominantly done for almost a generation now: that is to be identified with the management of the decline of British industry, or to try and project our alternative policies to ensure that working people have the right to work - that they should not be treated like flotsam and jetsam, that there are policies that would enable them to plan their lives free from the fears and anxieties of unemployment.
the 1926 strike the theories and philosophy of public ownership emerged more clearly and the suffering, the poverty of miners in the 1920s and early 1930s helped bring about a post-war Labour government that sought to take and alleviate those kind of problems. I think a future Labour government will on the experiences of miners in 1984-5 and hopefully fashion policies that prevent that sort of situation the money pouring in from members, constituency parties, it was obvious the strike had captured the imagination of literally thousands of rank and filers. Indeed the response to the delegation to the TUC and Labour Party conference indicated that at grass roots level there was a tremendous support, and a recognition that the fight was not only the miners' fight but that of the broad trade union movement.
The disappointment was the attitude of those leaders who chose to highlight the irrelevant aspects of the dispute should in fact have been clearly indicating their support for the
There was tremendous solidarity from large sections of the labour movement. For example we received cheques from branches of the EETPU (electricians' union, from AUEW (engineering union) branches despite the hostility of some of their leaders. The money came pouring in from TGWU (transport union) branches from GMBATU manual workers) branches, and — surprise, surprise - from ISTC (steel union) branches, indicating that at grass roots level there was considerable support.
Internationally the financial was absolutely magnificent. I would think that 90 per cent of the cash we received came from abroad. Throughout the dispute there were rank and filers contributing substantially to our strike.
I'd like to come on to the future of the union. At the end of the strike the reason you'd come out - the programme of pit closures that MacGregor, supported by the Tory government, was going for - hasn't been withdrawn. Do you think the union is in a fit state to continue fighting closures and how would you project that being done?
The next six months especially are going to be pretty difficult. National Coal Board are that the agreement they entered into with NACODS (3) will not be applied. So there are enormous difficulties facing us. I too we have to resolve the internal with the Nottinghamshire
But it's important to say that the policies MacGregor projected in early March 1984 have not been applied. I think there may be difficulties in him applying them in 1985. In many ways we
Solidarity with prisoners and sacked miners The campaign to raise money and support for miners sacked or imprisoned during the miners' strike is still underway. demonstrated in the South Wales area recently against 'imprisonment imposed on two miners found guilty of murder during the strike. The murderers of the six miners who died during the dispute of course will never be brought to justice. Meanwhile many miners still await trial in an atmosphere that is becoming more and more repressive.
Women in the Nottinghamshire region are approaching Women against Pit Closures nationally to launch their own campaign. women speakers on this subject', said Doreen Humber, who is involved in the national campaign for the defence of prisoners and their families; 'My friend Sue's husband has been sacked and he doesn't get anything for himself because they say at the DHSS (social security offices) that he's still in dispute with the Coal Board.' This is the experience of many of the sacked men who end up receiving the minimum of £14 per week for themselves and their families. That is why the campaign solidarity is so urgent.
A special fund has now been set up for sacked and imprisoned miners. Send donations to Co-op Bank plc, West Street, Sheffield. Sorting code 08.90.75. Account No 3000 0009 12
*Everybody seems to want have rendered those policies inaplicable.
That in itself is some achievement. The problems facing the National Coal Board have not disappeared.
There is still tremendous spirit in the ranks of the NUM, in the course of the next year we will reassert ourselves. The principle of defending jobs and defending the industry is as pertinent in 1985 as it was in March 1984. We will continue 2. AJ Cook was a left leader of the Mineworkers Federation during the 1926 general strike. After the defeat of the strike he suffered a personal breakdown and drifted toward the right. 3. NACODS is the national union of pit deputies and OVERCEN During the NUM strike they reached a separate agreement with the Coal Board on procedures for pit closures, following a ballot of their membership which showed 80 per cent in favour of strike action.
International Viewpoint 3 June 1985
We are monitoring the situation. In by the broader trade union movement.
to be a campaigning organisation: we will not alter our style of leadership, we will continue to campaign amongst our members - and I'm sure we'll get a response from them.
The fact that Notts and a large part of the Midlands refused to come out on strike actually weakened the position of the union, both from the point of view of stopping the movement of coal and closing power stations but also because it gave the so-called moderate trade union leaderships an easy way out of refusing to build the sort of industrial needed to win the strike. What do you think the attitude of the union as a whole should be towards the
I think most striking would readily acknowledge that had the Nottinghamshire miners joined in the struggle, it would have been over in three
That would have brought about Board's and the government's attitude.
Notts failed to recognise that were defending the industry from the sort of attack that is designed to bring about privatisation. they failed recognise that fragmentation of the NUM was precisely what the government wants to achieve. There's been an enormous conservative influence brought into the Nottingham working miners committee. There's been a whole galaxy of Tory lawyers business men ready to finance the breakaway in Notts.
The miners there have failed to recognise that the government are more able to attract private capital if there's fragmented trade union organisation. The development for example would enable the prospects of multinational oil companies buying up the coal reserves there at give-away prices.
The defence of the industry is about the case for public ownership as well as the defence of jobs. Notts has created a wedge that the government will continue
In the weeks and months ahead our job is trying to seek a reconciliation that brings them back into the fold.
Q. Aside from the question of pit closures, the other unfinished business of the strike is reinstatement and amnesty for those miners sacked or facing dismissal. Does the union have any plans to launch a campaign?
A. We have said since last October that we want to negotiate reinstatement of those victimised by the Board. It's not a question of violence, it's a question of the dismissal of people who are diedin-the-wool trade unionists.
In Kent for example, the overwhelming majority of people dismissed are elected representatives. Similarly Scotland. The NCB have adopted a discriminatory policy.
Everybody knows nationally we were ernational Viewpoint 3 June 1985 denied the right to negotiate reinstatement - I don't use the term amnesty because it implies guilt. At a recent the NCB, we raised it again — we drew a blank. That doesn't mean to say we're prepared to turn our backs on those people.
We are currently helping to support them in the hope that, through the areas, We have been partially successful.
The national leadership denied the right to negotiate NCB. But after 12 months of strike the price of not outright victory. I would hope that those people who went back to work early have made task more difficult in the short term.
That's fine for areas like, for example, South Wales where I've been recently, where everyone confident of finding a satisfactory reinstatement policy. But that's not the case for Kent or Scotland, where there are the largest proportion of dismissals. Do you think the solidarity committees set up during the strike can be brought behind a reinstatement campaign?
It's important that those groups raise their voices. My own view is that we should be calling for a public enquiry into the attitude of the National Coal
We are failing publicity at all on the discriminatory nature of the Board's attitude.
areas like Derbyshire for example, they are dramatically reducing the number of people presently dismissed, but there are still a lot more cases to go before the courts. There's been a breakthrough in Yorkshire where the Board have at long last agreed to discuss individual cases with the area leaders.
It's a process that's slow and cumbersome, but it's one we're obliged to go through. In the meantime we'll sustain the families of these people.
Q. Finally, I want to ask you about the women's movement during the sinite I think it was a fantastic success, mai just in terms of the amount of suppo solidarity they gave to striki miners and the NUM, but also in terms of the number of women whose confidence and talents were developed during the
There's been a lot of talk about the continuation of the support groups and Women Against Pit Closures, they should now have formal links with the union. Can you comment on that? development. I think every striking miner in the country is ready to acknowledge the contribution women have made in a whole variety of ways.
They've been incredible. They've been involved as equal partners on picket planning, pamphleteering solidarity that's needed in this sort of dispute. We must find support. Experience during this strike has confirmed that we've got to establish formal links with the union. It's not easy because of the need for rules to be approved. But I think within the majority of areas there's a willingness eagerness to maintain and links with the women's groups.
Indeed the fact that there's 750 people scattered around the coalfields that have been refused reinstatement is helping keep the women together. They are currently organising a national conorganising education, like weekends schools at maintain our internal links they have forged groups nationally and internationally.
The political movement as well should seek to harness this new development. I would like to see more recognition for them throughout the whole labour
Wellbeck, for example, about 15 striking miners' wives applied to join the local branch of the Labour Party. They didn't want to know - a sad reflection on the state of that particular branch of the party. But I hope those sort of difficulties can be overcome.
We've got to look for ways of involving the whole family in trade union activity. In my view that is an important development I'd like to see encouraged, not frowned on. The advantage would be felt not only by the NUM but
the dominoes - that is a whole range of countries from Vietnam to Singapore - would all fall at the same time.
Q
But the victory of the Indo chinese revolution nevertheless had a