The implications of nternational Viewpoint 16 September 1985
SOUTH AFRICA decisive contribution of Western bank maintaining and developing of Churches released April 1985 a report on such loans for the period from mid-1982 to the end of 1984. Some 98 new loans were
French sanctions
202 banks of 18 different nationalities for a total of 4,244,100 billion dollars.
The loans went both to public and private enterprises in South Africa. The twenty biggest lenders were all European banks, with the bulk of the
SINCE JULY 21, 36 of South Africa's 300 districts have been under a state of emergency. The decree by the country's premier, Pieter
Botha, affects the Black residential areas around Johannesburg in the province of Transvaal and around Port Elizabeth in the eastern
Cape. In taking this step, the South African premier followed the direction indicated by his minister of police, General Johann Coetzee, who said that he was anxious to "quiet down the situation as soon as possible."* In fact, the two areas affected have experienced a chain of ghetto rebellions over the past eleven months, broken only by brief intervals of calm.
Under the state of emergency, the police can search, seize, and arrest without warrant. They can relocate people around at will.
The rights of prisoners are further reduced, and the press is put under surveillance. (1) The state of emergency declaration gave the
French government the occasion for instituting sanctions that it had previously refused to take. France is Pretoria's fifth most important trading partner, coming after West Germany, the United
States, Japan, and the United Kingdom.
NATHAN PALMER
The decision sanctions by on
French premier Laurent Fabius has given a new impetus to debate over disinvestment in the countries most implicated in collaboration with apartheid, in particular in the United
States, where the campaign for disinvestment and challenging of
Reagan's policy of
"constructive engagement" are on the rise. (2)
West Germany, Great Britain, and the United States have all declared opposition to a policy of sanctions.
The fact is than a little at stake in South Africa.
West Germany,
Britain, the USA,
France, and Switzerland more than 90%
South Africa, that is, more ment in than billion dollars. Of the 1,068 transnational companies operating in
South
Africa, a third are based in the United
Kingdom.
One quarter are based in the United States, and another quarter in West Germany.
The links between
London
Pretoria are long standing.
direct foreign investment is British.
and indirect
British investmts combined amount to 14 billion ars, or 10% of total British investments abroad. (3)
The US accounts for the next biggest share of direct foreign investment, about 20% of the total. Between 1966 and 1982, US investments rose from 490 million dollars to 2.3 billion dollars. According to a Us publication, American investment totals 13.78 billion dollars. (4)
West Germany accounts for 10% of foreign investment, or 1.4 billion
The Federal Republic has a large surplus in its balance of trade
Pretoria, exporting 2.3 billion dollars worth of goods and import-
France is close behind West Germany in investment, having led the until 1983. In 1984, France imported 5.9 billion Francs worth of goods to South Africa and imported 4.3 billion francs worth.
credits coming
Kingdom, Switzerland, West Germany, and France, in that order.
the French decision could have reverberations. But it is important to realize above all that it is not sufficient to talk about sanctions.
The portent of the French decisions has to be assessed on the basis their real effects. While on the diplomatic level, fening, it has to be recognized that they in no way threaten the economic relations between the two countries.
Suspending new in question existing contracts, including the one
Liquide is going to build the world's largest oxygen producing facility for Sasol. Thanks to Western involvement, Sasol developed a chemical complex for the gasification of coal in order to meet the energy needs of a militarized
Francois Mitterrand has already shown during his presidency that under his leadership France will continue to fulfill scrupulously the terms of commercial agreements signed under his predecessor.
UN votes for voluntary sanctions
Moreover, domestic political considerations entered into the position taken by France. It is no coincidence that the French premier talked about sanctions against Pretoria for the first time at a big human rights affair in Paris this past June in the presence of the Nobel-Prize-winning South African bishop Desmond Tutu. All of this goes to build up the image of the French Socialist Party as a champion of human rights.
July 5, 3
of the effects of the French
Pretoria.
real on putting will
Of course, any the limits of the of
South the common and
African the against defending
However, apartheid of the growing capitalist both
Kingdom still
United
Nations.
debated in of South
Africa, the in of sanctions whether in some one from
PW response was
South to that that they had substantial for grounds
Black intimate
Botha can sort.
eid.
19 at thé final
PW
Botha session speech came into
"It is made."
voted non-
"I tone, ordered have
South
African number in the workers of townships.
and with the have war offe the as f
Whi repl
Afr in t tow wit the
Black remained hes
Vic law of apartheid.
seel
Its limitations present upsurge.
These against the eve are rac classified
Rai the the economic do not have at bee
Among pre to carry passes.
esp citizenship are building unity ren so-called alre
"Asiatics,"
"Coloureds, be or
(Transkei, done in the yol for
There nonracial union movement.
at l is clear for such unity, since the tha me unl
August 20 there are reports ind political activists coming of Azapo, mo the out of for current, and unI belonging to
Th mc petrated ha sec
SuC
The national touched that these actions att its behalf.
The
45 came mi im that school ere continued the un wi by the regime.
of bu general the wi inc pr ca as rejecting the together business circles.
national image.
councillors
Biv, July in, stru
"Rising
International Viewpoint 16 September 1985
International Viewpoint 16 September 1985 wants to get himself in position to offer an alternative to the ANC for the post-apartheid situation, as well as for the mass movement as a whole. When you remember that the Zulus represent 6 million people in South Africa, you can see what is at stake in the leadership of this community.
The Inkatha have patrolled the townships in Natal province armed with clubs and spears and did not hesitate to attack the funeral of Victoria Mxengue, the murdered lawyer of the UDF leaders.
The agitation in the townships seems as if it could go on indefinitely. Its impact is beginning to be felt even in foreign business circles, which by the obstinacy of the racist regime.
The South African currency, the Rand, has depreciated sharply against the dollar. It is now being traded at 1 R for 45 US cents, after having previous years. South African stocks, are dropping on the exchanges. If you been hit by the recession, you can imagine the sort of appeals for negotiation that are being directed that he make the necessary adjustments to deal in particular with the unrelenting determination independent union movement.
strikes organized more militant sectors against layoffs, for higher wages, and union recognition have not stopped. momentum by important gains that have been won both in the private sector and from some state companies, such as Sasol.
At its special congress, which was attended by 12,000 activists and 450 delegates, miners union the NUM, made three important decisions. First, it delivan ultimatum unless he lifted the state of emergency will be boycotted." a stand in principle for an immediate premier of the South African Republic threat to expel the
The decision that made the biggest impact, for a general mines starting August 25 to back up the demand for a 22% raise, when the Chamber of Mines has go beyond 19%. The strike has now been postponed to September. But three decisions taken together demands on the government. It should be noted that the mining areas are not located in the regions under the state of emergency.
The NUM has sought to keep a margin for maneuver in its confrontation with the Chamber of Mines. knows the harm that a major defeat could do it now, when over the past five years it has been one of the fastest growing of the independent unions. The advance of the NUM is in fact illustrative of the rise of the independent unions. The funeral of a leader of the FOSAT, Andries Raditsela, who died just after his release from police custody, was the occasion for an imposing demonstrathe demonstrations panying the funerals of victims of the banners and Tshirts alongside those of the political and community orgasymbolic value. It reflects the deep roots that the union movement has put down patiently rebuilding the links and structures that were destroyed by the overt repression in the 1960s.
The growth of the unions explains the thinking the experience of the working class in other countries.
is all the more important now that the independent unions are involved in preparing to set up a broad united confederation of unions, which may be launched at the end of this year.
The search for a strategic orientation, for a leadership for the struggle, for a policy of alliances are problems that arise in any situation class contradictions sharpen. South Africa is no exception to this rule, despite the special difthe national working class and its organizations have the potential for of South Africa struggle to overthrow apartheid sections of the white bourgeoisie and church circles.
This understanding explains the pushing to the forefront of figures
Prize-winning Anglican bishop Desmond Tutu or the
Reverend Allan Boesak, president of
making them their special interlocutors because they are the only personalities who appear to be opposed to collaboration with the apartheid system and at
POSITIONS OF THE FOURTH
INTERNATIONAL
A limited number of copies of International Viewpoint No
25, March 7, 1983, containing the positions of the United
Secretariat of the Fourth
International on the struggle in South Africa, are still available. the same time are fierce opponents of Marxist ideas and have a mass audience.
The leading role played by the churches, allied with the Chartist current (6) in the framework of the United Democratic Front shows that they have understood that a race is now underway for influence over the Black masses and that it is not a good idea to linger at the starting gate.
Other Western sectors are pressing for realism, going so far as to demand the release of Nelson Mandela, the ANC leader jailed for life in 1963. That indicates how convinced they are that negotiations with the ANC are inevitable sooner or later. Even the government of Margaret Thatcher has come out for his immediate release. Mandela himself has rejected any negotiations with the regime until it clearly drops its commitment to apartheid.
It has to be noted that the South African Communist Party is beginning to try to make a reappearance, as attested by the presence of a CP banner at the Cradock funeral on July 20.
The AN has built up its influence in the townships and at its second conference since it was banned in 1960 (held over the late spring and early summer this year) it decided to step up its struggle, including hitting civilian targets. Umkhonto we Sizwe (the Spear of the Nation), the military wing of the ANC, has carried out actions that have increased its prestige but for the moment have not demonstrated its usefulness in the townships against the forces of the regime.
Today the entire world knows that even if it is not on the brink of revolution, South Africa is going through a critical time in which the stakes will increase as the test of strength intensifies. The political and organizational gains made now will weigh heavily in the balance for the movement of the South African Black masses.
The current that identifies with the Freedom Charter adopted in 1955 on the initiative of the ANC.
5