The presidential elections:
owes to the IMF [Internacountry tional Monetary Fund] and Western
IRAN banks.
Implementation of this decision is now being held up until the thorny problem of where to buy the necessary uranium been resolved.
heaven not smiling has Since uranium can be bought either from the Soviet Union or from the West, the choice will necessarily affect on Islamic republic Yugoslav foreign policy in the long run. But quite apart from political, economic tions, whose consequences lie in the future, the recent announcement that extensive power cuts are on the agenda this winter demonstrates a
COMING THE day after the first devastating Iraqi bombing of shortage
Kharg Island, the hub of Iranian oil exports, the election of the maintenance of existing power capacities. Despite president of the Islamic Republic takes on added importance as coal production a test of the ability of the Khomeini regime to keep up the for the past two decades.
momentum of the war effort after suffering a grave economic and
One need not be tionary to believe that only a radical psychological blow. The following article indicates an accelerating transformation of the Yugoslav state erosion in the political base of the regime, along with growing and society will be able to meet the demands sharply posed by the current
That something major needs crisis.
to change is also clear to the Yugoslav leadership, though it has shown itself capable of conceptualizing only reforms.
superficial and short-term
Blind to the need for fundamental changes in the whole groundwork of Yugoslav polities, instead it has clung to its familiar landscape.
The traditional channels of reform, pivoted upon the League of Communists, have been blocked and rendered useless by the all-pervasive bureaucratization and corruption consequent upon decades of party state symbiosis. All at economic reform so far attempts have foundered upon the great inert mass represented by the party bureaucracy. It has proved impossible to use the instrument of the party to revitalize the petrified state structures, and thus pull the economy out of its present downspin.
The recent speech by Alexander Grlickov, one of the more liberal and intelligent members of the leadership, calling for the mass front organization, the
Socialist
Alliance (1) to play a new role is an act of desperation. No qualitative break for the better can occur in
Yugoslavia until the working class moves and takes the centre stage as an independent factor. The past six months have shown that the industrial workers are beginning to flex their muscles. The coming autumn and winter seem set to confirm the trend of increasing radicalization in the factories.
Working class re-entry into the political fray will come none too soon.
The Socialist Alliance was the mass, organisation set up by the popular front
LCY when they came to power,
International Viewpoint 14 October 1985 divisions among the rulers. SABER NICKBEEN
On August 16, 1985, after many months of delays and postponements, Iranians were offered another chance called "the freest kind of elections ever held anywhere." They were to "Islamic Republic president choose new of the
Three choices offer: Khamenehi, who was the incumbent (the delays were precisely because it was not certain that Khomeini could accept him); Asgaroladi (the former minister of trade, a powerful figure in the Bazar); and Kashani (the son of the late Ayatollah Kashani, who helped the shah and the CIA carry out the 1953 coup d'etat that toppled Mossadegh). Up recently, Kashani was the head of the Iranian delegation to the International Court at the Hague dealing with US complaints against Iran.
All three candidates were members of the Central Council of the Islamic Republican Party (IRP), the only party represented in the parliament, the Majles.
Some 49 other prospective candidates were rejected as "unfit" by the Council of the Guardians, which supposedly serves as the watchdog of the "Islamic" constitution. Among them was the former premier, Mehdi Bazargan, who was told that he was not acceptable as a candidate because he did not bow to the Command of the Chief Mullah (Velayat-e-Faghih). The ex-head of government denied the charge.
Interestingly, the spokesperson of the Council of Guardians, Ayatollah Khazali, who made this charge, is a leading member of the Hojatieh faction, which fundamentally regards Khomeini as heretic precisely because he supports the Velayat-eFaghih! (1)
Initially, there were a number of moves within the ruling clique in favor of allowing Bazargan to stand in order to encourage more participation and provide more of a facade of democracy. The former premier had demanded guarantees of a free election as a precondition for contest- #HIT ing. He was promised that the headquarters of his Freedom Movement in Tehran, which were closed down before the last parliamentary elections would be reopened. Moreover, he was to be allowed to publish a new legal daily paper to replace Mizan, which was shut down in the aftermath of Bani Sadr's ouster during the summer of 1981.
The present premier, Mousavi, was even obliged to say that the government had "nothing against Mr. Bazargan taking part in the election."
1. The Hojatieh are social and economic conservatives linked to the Bazari merchants Their religious ideology is that until the Hidden Imam appears, no reforms can be made. Therefore the so-called radical Islamics who identify with Khomeini, and Khomeini himself, are heretics because they suggest to the masses that they can give them blessings that they could in fact only enjoy after the return of the Hidden Imam, the Shiite messiah. And one of these blessings is the. theocratic rule of the Velayat-e-Faghih.
19
Later on, apparently, the rulers agreed amongst themselves that letting Bazargan stand involved more risks than advantages for the stability of the regime.
A campaign by Bazargan could easily have turned into a rallying point for the entire opposition to Khomeini's rule as Bani Sadr's election president in 1979
The one most immediately throat-
Khamenehi, and he was move. He came out vehemently against letting Bazargan that it would damage for reelection. His spread the rumour that the Majles, who was behind all this.
ar sh 01 A to H th M as 01 W 01 A th
The tale they this: "Rafsanjani failed to convince Iranian women cast their vote. The Pasdaran watch on (DR) the Imam [Khomeini] to come out against the reelection of Khamenehi. "Elteghatee" (eclectic) line, represen[Remember, the latter's sister had ted by Khamenehi himself ("the just fled to Iraq!]. So, now he is living martyr" (3). trying to weaken Khamenehi's chances The actual bosses of the IRP, who to get a respectable majority." (2) remain the real Bonapartes, despite
In an interview, Khamenehi himself a lot of the superficial theorizing (4), said: "I believe there is no need for Khomeini and his "soldier," Rafsanus to put on a show of democracy and jani, did not bother to put up any freedom. Because in our country, candidates directly representing them. democracy is all too evident. The For his par work with all" Rafsanjani declared to the Majles last year that he could the were the freest sort of elections. We three factions. He knows that as
[different] newspapers long as the Imam lives and after his to show democracy." (Etela'at, July death, as long as Ayatollah Montezeri retains the throne, the function of
Reportedly following the Imam's the "legal" authority will remain in orders, Rafsanjani said a day later the Majles. The speaker's role, after that it was possible that the Bazargan's all, is to put a legal stamp on the appearance on TV or radio could Imam's edicts and that gives him the lead to "a terrible crisis" whose dominant position in the government consequences we might "not able to bear." He raised the spectre
"counterrevolutionary plots," if the election campaign, which of as usual was confined to two weeks, Bazargan were able, for example, despite the Imam's warning to hold an election rally in Tehran. preserving unity, the three candidates all accused each other more or less Bazargan slapped directly of being in the pay of the down Americans. Kashani raised the accusation against the government (that is
So, the former premier was elimin- against Khamenehi) that it had backed ated from the race. On July 24, the down to US imperialism in replacing council of Guardians told him: "Our him as head of the Iranian delegation to the Hague court. "The Americans nation has treated you with patience and politeness. But you should not demanded this!" persevere in your obstinacy, because The premier responded to Kashani's we fear you may face an even darker future." His protests were not even removed him." mentioned in the press! And then Mousavi's minister of labour, Sarhahe meekly shut up. dizadeh, chose the anniversary of the
The contest, therefore, was coup to raise the question: between representatives of the three "wouldn't it have been more proper so-called wings of the IRP: the "pro- for those who have selected Bazari [traditional merchant] wing, candidates for the presidency to have represented by the big merchant asked this man [Kashanil about his Asgaroladi; the "pro-Hezbolahi relations with Bahaie?" (the latter [Islamic "radical" ] "wing," represen- was a pro-American politician who ted by no less than the reactionary helped the shah in the 1953 coup Ayatollah Kashani's son (which tells and supported Ayatollah Kashani). you a lot about the real nature of the The minister of labour compared Hezobalahis!); and the majority Kashani to the "monafeghin" (hypo20
The W crites," that is, false Muslims; this
Are term is usually applied to Muslim leftists such as the Mujehadeen) and G the "liberals," who, "like the USA and Bakhtiar the last permier appointed by the shah who now runs th a monarchist exile operation in Paris) criticize the Islamic government."
Sarhadizadeh demanded that the is Council of Guardians explain "how at it was that such a weak and incompe- th tent person, who so damaged the of good name of the Iranian Islamic government [ie, in the Hague court case ] and who was removed by the th Imam's order, could have been consiedered fit to stand as a candidate."
to
A Majles deputy and close ally of
Are Asgaroladi, Esrafilian, 19 management" and "eclectic" in of toward socialism" in economic mat-
Men implication was de major injection of good old Bazari to know-how was what was needed to solve the crisis in the country. (The "religous" debate in the regime in whether the ment should intervene more or less in the economy.)
The government counter-attacked by first saying that our most import-
2. The reason for this conflict is that Khamenehi plays his own balancing game between the Bazaris and the Islamic "radicals" and. does not directly represent Khomeini, as Rafsanjani does. In the last period Khamenehi has leaned more and more toward the Bazar and been seen by the clerics as apt to give too many concessions to the Bazaris, concessions that might undermine the political dominance of the clergy.
3. In Islam, "living martyr" is a contradiction terms, because the word is used essentially for Muslims who die fighting unbelievers. This title is applied sometimes to for the front to mean that they have already given up their lives.
That is, some people see Khamenehi as the Bonaparte in the situstion, playing between the left represented by Khomeini and the right represented by the Hojatieh and the Bazaris. International Viewpoint 14 October 1985
ant problems are not economic but political" and if "these oppositionists shut up and accused
"incompetent"
"we saw how they led to bankruptcy, ayatollahs
The regime they distributed out the vote
Ayatollah statement he and would would remain
God (5)
have imposed
Khomeini put in a could
I that
IS, on, when
Khamenehi, the representative of the e-Kashani, this proposal
1985.)
citizens to vote were also others were asked were were stuffed.
Nonetheless, results were the
State declared that
1.5 had voted in
Tehran and province, country.
million.
Asgaroladi
"white vote"
and the was put at
400,000.
Obviously, it was hardest to falsity the figures where there was a real race, as in Tehran, Esfahan, Shiraz,
International Viewpoint 14 October 1985
Mashed,
The official and for in which province populous in the most province gone so far in asked with a total of between centers, was
Shiraz, so many were frightened away.
had claimed million not even venture votes factions have tional strength.
areas where
Kurdish was probably population to
9 million).
happy was supposed to asked for, the regime had and one "at least
Khamenehi election.
himself said,
Majles against he toward example, Khamthe Bazaris. For enehi opposed removal of minister of trade.
indoors.
Karaj, a large people could brought no comfort for any of the factions, including the supremo of all the factions, Khomeini himself. The low turnout and the vicious charges traded back and forth between the candidates represented a defiance of his orders. This means that he is no longer able to unite the various cliques within the IRP.
the ing room The differences
Khamenehi had accused the leftist and the area of management." 24, and 25.) both of the factions, the Hezbollahis and the Hojatieh a big vote.
of the governThe of the Bazaris, the threattive investment now the the need for are already that Bazari wing
5. The expression reflects the Hojatieh's idea that none of the basic laws of Islam can be changed, even interpreted is that Islamic government may not in any way limit the prerogatives of private property. The term "slaves of God" is a way of ridiculing the pretentions of mere mortals to alter the "law 8
By using this statement in an attempt to get out the vote, the regime in fact disseminated an attack on its own policies and basic political stance.
21