The rebuilding of the
EL SALVADOR into the regime. In reaction, a coup d' etat by the younger military officers overthrew the regime of General
Carlos Humberto Romero on October
15, 1979.
mass workers struggles
In 1979-1980, organized by unions, neighborhood committees, and a series of other structures, the people's struggle continued. The regime decided, then, to launch a repression, which by October 15, 1979, had resulted in the deaths of 60,000
A TRADE-UNION movement independent of the dictatorship and the bourgeois parties is in the process of organizing itself in El
Salvador, uniting its forces to mobilize the workers in defense of their economic and democratic demands. This movement for immediate demands is being sharpened by the economic crisis and the dictatorship's policy.
The following interview is an exceptional testimony to the recomposition of the Salvadoran union movement. It was given on July
31 to Pascal Rene, a West European solidarity movement activist, by four leaders of the Workers Solidarity Coordinating Committee
(CST), which organizes workers in the private sector and is actively involved in the May 1 Committee.
The Salvadoran urban mass movement had its best days at the time of the gigantic mobilizations in 1980.
Since the relative failure of the general offensive by the Farabundo Marti
National Liberation Front (FMLN), the regime and its armed forces were able to impose a reign of terror on the cities. For nearly two years, the trade-union movement was forced to retreat almost entirely into underground and conspiratorial work.
It was very hard hit by the repression.
A number of trade-union activists and leaders were arrested, murdered military commandos, or fired.
The headquarters union destroyed. The mass fronts of the revolutionary disaporganizations peared in the cities, which were in the grip of the dictatorship, as the confrontation took on the dimensions of a civil war.
The shift in the relationship of forces in the main urban zones made trade-union activity extremely difficult. While the repression made it impossible for the revolutionary-led unions to have any public presence, the Christian Democracy (DC) tried to take advantage of the situation to build a social base through the
People's Democratic
Union
(UPD)
and the unions under its control.
The revival of the union movement over the year 1983 was the result of a long and difficult struggle to survive and rebuild the union structures.
Little by little, links reknitted were between union activists, and the number of strikes grew. This gave rise to a recomposition of the trade-union movement
6 and to rich experiences of working-class unity in action.
Throughout this period, innocent
- festivals or trips to the sea shore — were utilized to maintain a minimum trade-union activity, organize meetings. It was also leaders and protect their families.
Of course, those entirely over, but today the trademovement has regained an accepted place. Meetings, congresses, street demonstrations, are developing despite the repression. Important breaches are opening up in the DC's control of the mass move-
The FENASTRAS November 7-8 will be another important test of the movement's ability to work openly. (Messages of support can be sent to the Union at Avenida 29 de Agosto, Plaza Barrios No. 29, San Salvador.)
* * *
Question. We know that the mass movement in El Salvador has undergone a certain reactivation, but we do not have precise information. In particular, we are unfamiliar with the present configuration of the movement and the process of unification that is underway. Could you tell us about that?
Answer. Starting in 1979 and even before, there was a formidable mass movement that gave expression to the unity, or more exactly, to the militancy of the working class, which demonstrated in the streets and struck fear people, murdered and "missing."
The union headquarters were sacked and destroyed, the union leaders were jailed, murdered, "disappeared," or were assassinated.
Massacres were carried out during demonstrations, as in the case of the march organized by the Mass Revolutionary Coordinating Committee in which more than 500,000 people participated on January 22, 1980.
In those days, there were searches every night in the neighborhoods, people disappeared or were murdered by death squads or by the army. These conditions pushed the workers into retreat.
Starting in 1981, there was a retreat by the trade-union movement in the face of this repression and the climate of psychological warfare created, for example by appeals for people to inform. Thus in 1982 and at the beginning of 1983, the people were terrorized by the violence of the government and the regime.
However, the more and more desperate economic crisis, ruinously low wages, and underemployment drove the working class back into struggle. So, in February 1983 there was what we call the beginning of the reactivization of the mass movement. A series of strikes broke out. Unions arose and entered into struggle for their own demands.
It should be pointed out that the repression had reached such a degree that the leaderships of many unions were no longer in the workplaces. But the solid organizations never gave up the struggle. Their leaders did not retreat, but their methods of action changed.
The regime's intention was to drive the union movement underground in order to justify the repression. But we refused to give way to that. We stood up in front of the TV cameras, the press, and even the security bodies. We blocked this tactic by the regime.
Then, in 1983, we set the objective of celebrating May Day by holding a mass rally in a union headquarters We held a national assembly in which delegates from the various federations were present. In this way, we managed to end the retreat. invited the national and internaInternational Viewpoint 11 November 1985
International Viewpoint 11 November 1985 tional press. On May 1, at 6.00 am, scheduled to start, the security forces cordoned off the union headquarters. But the people came in despite that.
However, it was in 1984 that the 1983, there were strikes, to be sure, evot February 1983, which signaled the revival of the mass movement, there was the struggle of the (SIGEBAN), People's Credit Bank workers, and Water Mains (ANDA), and those by workers at other enterprises. February had been the most importgles. In 1984, we decided to go back streets. On responded to the call of the United Trade-Union Movement of El Salva- On the outskirts of San Salvador, the day of the March 1982 elections (DR) dor (MUSYGES), a group made up of representative trade-union organigovernment portrayed it as an appendage of the
Then, on September 15, 1984, we went onto the streets again. At that time a major strike was underway, the action by the International Sports Club (CDI), which lasted for more than a hundred days. This strike served as sort of a lever for beginning to build a new united organization, the Workers Solidarity Coordinating Committee (CST).
How did that happen? The CDI is a service business. So, shutting it down could not deal severe blows to the oligarchy, because what they spent on it was to serve their amusement, not their productive investments. While the CDI was on strike, the members of the oligarchy could simply go to the Hotel Sheraton for a drink or go swimming in other
Therefore, a number of unions their brothers and sisters. So, as the weeks went on, through discussions, information campaigns and economic aid, work stoppages in solidarity, visits to the cathedral, to the presidential palace, etc., the CST was born.
Today, this coordinating body about thirty unions. So, on September 15, 1984, we demonstrated in particular to win the release of the leaders of the Electrical Workers Union (STECEL) (1) and other political and trade-union prisoners. On November 5, we went onto continuation of the dialogue between the FMLN and the government.
In this connection, it is necessary to make a bit of a detour to explain demonstration in question was called the MUSYGES with time to build it. But the day before it was to be held, a communique supposedly signed by the MUSYGES Press Committee (COPREFA). took place. It drew greater particithan on the previous occasions, because, little by little, fear was diminishing. Of course, the fear of the workers, who had seen parents, wives, and children murdered in the street, was not going to disappear overnight. But the economic crisis and want kept bringing us back onto the streets. So, that 1984 was really the year when the movement became reactivated.
In 1985, the workers are already of the role they have to play. A series of struggles have taken place, and a process of unification is underway. Already, on December 29, 1984, the CST had taken its first steps in with a demonstration marching to the presidential palace, where we. presented Duarte with a list of demands concerning several disputes that we wanted to resolve.
On March 24, at the same time as the Mothers Committee, we commemorated the death of Monsignor Romero. Then in April, the organizations already mentioned formed the Committee To Celebrate May 1. On April 17, we called the media to a press conference to the demonstration. On April we called a second press conference, to confirm that the demonstration and 19, which belong to the Ministry of Education but seem to be more in the service of the Christian Democracy than the ministry.
these two channels private ones presented excerpts from our news conference, captured guerrilla, Miguel Castellanos (2), who said that all the union federa-
FESTIAVCES FENASTRAS (3) were appendages of
This maneuver was designed to undermine the mobilization, but it failed. We brought out 40,000 workers. Some comrades even said that there were 50,000. We were in the streets alongside teachers from the National Association of Teachers of El Salvador (ANDES-June 21), public and municipal workers from the Coordinating Council of Government Workers and Municipal Employees (CCTEM), and
That is, we achieved the broadest sort of unity. This was a disciplined in which men, women, and children carried white flags, symbols of peace. Starting at 8.00 am helicopters flew over the route of march intimidate the participants, but this did not work. The people wanted to knock the helicopters down, they waved their flags. It was a grandoise sign, a triumph. were released in November 1984.
components of the FMLN, himself up to the armed forces in and It includes eight
Federation of Salvadoran
In May, there were some very hard struggles. On May 6, the social security workers went on strike for higher wages and other union demands. The comrades of the Anda company did the same, as well as the workers at the Martin factory.
In El Triunfo, the conflict at Pesca SA had already been going on for several months. The Ministry of Education workers and those of ANDES-June 21 also presented their demands. However, certain conflicts stood out as more important, and the workers solidarized with the Anda and Social Security struggles.
The Anda workers were the first conclude their strike, but they signed the protocol of agreement under strong pressure. It was no longer the Ministry of Labor or its representatives that was doing the negotiating
Workers at Radio Venceremos som where inside El Salvador (DR) but the national police in the person of its chief, Colonel Rubio. That gives you an idea of who decides things
Despite everything, even though the workers were under pressure from the military, they got a raise. Moreover, in signing the accord they broke in practice with Decree 296, which prohibits strikes by employees in the public sector, and with the decree establishing the state of siege. They also managed to get the reinstatement of 45 Anda activists who had been fired during the struggle.
So, this conflict ended, but the Social Security struggle and several others continued. The Social Security workers demonstrated great solidarity, striking for four to eight hours at least two or three times a week. On June 3, several police were killed in an assault on the Social Security General Hospital.
Fact, while helicopter-borne troops landed on the roof, dressed in black and wearing hoods, other troops came in the emergency doors in civilian clothing, before taking out their guns. At the same time, the electricity was cut off. With this adding to the confusion, a crossfire started, resulting in the deaths of four police in civilian clothes. The general secretary of the union, Guillermo Rojas, and another leader were arrested.
In order to block the demonstration scheduled to head the next day for the legislative Assembly, the COPREFA and the government announced that the march had been banned, and that the demonstrators would be dealt with on the basis of the decree that established the state of siege. For three quarters of an hour, the TV stations broadcast announcements threatening those who might take part. There was the same thing on the radio every ten to 15 minutes. In the papers, whole pages given over to announcements of the ban on the demonstration.
On that day, the response of the people was heroic. Despite all the threats, more than 15,000 workers demonstrated, ready to face whatcordons, the people were there. On the same day, 22 unions strike in solidarity. Around the rally in front of the Assembly, the soldiers very tight instead of being afraid, the people shouted: "Decent soldiers, your place is with the people!" These struggles and these strikes made it possible to win the release of our two comrades.
So, in May, on the average, there were activities. On May 20, for example, the comrades at the Labels and Elastics Factory went on strike. There were three demonstrations for the Social Security
Then the Anda struggle flared up again, because the agreement was not respected, in particular as corrupted officials. Some of the latter were only shifted to other posts. The raises were only given selectively, to the Christian Democracy's people. The attitude of Perdomo, hardened. The workers went strike again to get him thrown out as a corrupt and repressive manager.
As regards the conflict at Labels and Elastics, it ended in a victory after 37 days on strike. The workers got 65% of pay for the hours they lost in the strike, small wage increases, and other benefits. But the greatest victory is that now these workers are supporting the activities of the CST, and, for example, two days after they went back to work, they came out onto the streets again in
On June 20, the May 1 Committee
La national assembly, which there were 65 delegations from various unions and associations. We had reserved the hall of the National Charity Lottery. At the start of the proceedings, the president of the lottery association was called to a ministerial meeting by President Duarte. He was ordered to halt the assembly. He came back and tried to stop the meeting on the pretext that there was no authorization for
His attitude got people heated up. They told him a thing or two, and stayed put. He threatened to clear out the entire building, to open the way for the forces of order to come in. But on the other side of were the Anda workers the assembly. Then, he took up a megaphone. But ours more powerful, so he had to let the meeting go on.
We had drawn up a national list of demands - a 100% raise no increase in the fares on public nonpayment budget for the national university, and the release of all the trade-union political prisoners. This list, including the demands of all sections of workers, was presented to the Legislative Assembly. A response was to follow in two weeks.
As regards Perdomo, the head of Anda, the Legislative Assembly promised to summon him, because the had presented proof of his corruption. For example, it was shown that he had bought a picture he presented to Duarte with Anda money. Today, we know that Perdomo did not appear. And fact that the Assembly accepted this is a way of backing him.
In fact, the ouster of Perdomo would be an encouragement to the Ministry of Education demand the removal of their minister, Buendia Flores. It would arouse International Viewpoint 11 November 1985
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the fury of all the top functionaries who have had their snouts in the pork barrel. The people haven't seen any of the economic aid that El Salvador has been given. It all goes to the army or into the pockets of the Christian Democratic high and mighty, the coffee growing oligarchy, etc.
We have talked mainly about But what is happening in the other cities?
In fact, the country's main concentration is in San Salvador. So, it is there that we have strength of the trade-union forces. However, in the interior departments, cities there, industries and organized workers.
In the western part of the country, in the cities of Santa Ana, Sonsonate, and Ahuachapan, there is a united body called the Wester Committee of Workers Affiliated to the ISS (COTAISS). This structure was created benefits. But its aims were subsequenAssociation of has fought rightist party the sinister their and others, that are affiliseveral unions,
International Viewpoint 11 November 1985
FMLN fighters (DR) to El Triunfo. But no solution has been reached
There is also the union in the coffee industry, which has sections in Berlin, Santiago de Maria, etc. So, the trade-union movement is also growing in the eastern part of the country, but that is a war zone, and so the features different. For this reason, the struggle in La Union strike. The legal authorization lasted almost a year.
In San Salvador also, workers and We go to the Ministry of Labor to discuss a legal framework, but we are that the whole thing is rigged against us, and after a certain point we put legality aside, and the workers go on strike even it their action is illegal.
In conclusion, it can be said that the trade-union movement is present throughout the country, in the eastern and western regions as well as in San Salvador.
Q. Is the mass movement influenced by the People's Democratic Union (UPD) still important?
The social base of the Christian Democracy is beginning to break up. Its main forces are in the UPD, which the majority of the unions and associations under the influence of the DC. The first split produced the General Workers Union (CGT),
Workers Confederation
At present, the CTD gets its funds and its orientations from the Insti tute for Free Trade Unionism [IFTU]. It seems that the US embassy is trying to raid the DC's base so that it can have an alternative when the DC is no longer usetul to Reagan. Apparently the DC has become aware of this maneuver, and is trying to wrest
LatinUPD has out anybody farm debts. leaders say that the various sections of the We have relations with Confederation of Salvadoran Workers (CTS), which was present at the June 20 assembly when the list of was approved. With the leaderships of the UPD themselves, our relations are not very well developed, because this confederation is too closely linked to the DC. In practice, the ranks of the UPD are discontented, because even the social pact signed with the Christian Demohas not been respected
We also have certain contacts with the Federation of Building Trades and
(FESINCONSTRANS). the Social Security struggle, FESINCONSTRANS came out against the military intercommunique, the leaders of the latter organization were called to order. We hope, however, that we can get united actions with ever political current they themselves to, because our concern is the interests of the workers and not of the politicians. We have already respects. But we are still in the stage of testing the ground. Sometimes they help us with a communique, sometimes they reject us. The process of unification has only begun.
9
BRITAIN reduced. The aim of these sentences trials is to attempt to smash the combativity of the predominantly young pickets and union activists who form the most important part