New upsurge of
International Viewpoint 23 December 1985
IRAN tinued until the management met their demands.
In the Razy chemical complex in Mahshahr, the government had set up a special court, with the aid of the anjoman, to investigate militant workers. By early June, this court had ordered 130 sackings. A list of 350 workers struggles more workers was drawn up by this court. Widespread protests, however, forced management to retreat. The court was subsequently disbanded.
In the Klaj factory in Ghazvin, the repression resulted in many sackings.
THE FOLLOWING is the third and final part of a series of articles on workers struggles since the Khomeini regime unleashed a campaign of counterrevolutionary terror on a massive scale in June 1981. SABER NIKBEEN
The upshot of the government's defeat over the labour code became evident in the weeks prior to May Day 1983. Despite all its preaching that "the All-Mighty Himself is a worker," the Islamic regime had refused to make May 1 a workers holiday. But this year in many factories workers had gone through the experience of "commissions" organized to discuss the proposed labour legislation. Now, they went on openly to set up May Day Committees. In response to its defeat and to this new open defiance in May, the government stepped up its repression. By the latter part of the month, new wave of terror was rolling against the worker activists. (1)
As severe as the repression was, it was not able to achieve the same effects as before. By this time, not only did workers no longer entertain any illusions about the bourgeois reactionary nature of the Islamic regime and its so-called revolutionary institutions, such as the pasdaran and anjomans (2), but after two years of intense and unrelenting repression, they were more certain than ever about the importance of having their own independent organizations. Militant workers came out of this period having set up clandestine organizations in many factories and having learned more sophisticated methods of struggling under conditions of repression.
To avert reprisals against their representatives for example, workers tended to avoid putting forward their demands through any individual. As soon as any dispute arose concerning the majority of the workers, the normal course was to organize ssemblies, which are difficult to repress. a Workers were also more sensitive to the problem of reprisals against their comrades. They organined financial aid for the families of the victims; and whenever the opportunity presented itself, they raised again and again the demand for the reinstatement of victimized workers
In a number of strikes in this period, it is obvious that there was a secret committee of militant workers behind the action, leading and organizing the workers. In a few instances, such committees even made public statements and pronouncements. They more or less replaced the independent shoras [councils] of the previous period. Like the former, they did not restrict themselves to any particular demand or form of action. When, and if, necessary, they could act like a trade-union cell or a strike committee.
In this period, thus, we had a lot more strikes than in the previous one (over a hundred), and a lot more successes as well. The protests against the Islamic Anjomans [formed to replace the shoras] were more widespread. Protests against the war and its effects on the workers appeared becoming a factor in this period. Furthermore, a rebellious mood began developing that could begin to prepare the way for a general strike. We also saw strikes or other forms of industrial actions developing in factories that had previously been in the rearguard of the struggle.
For example, shortly after the repression of May 1983, the Kontor Sazy-e-Ghazvin factory, which makes gas and electrical meters, went on strike on June 27. Since its opening 12 years before, this factory had never seen a strike, not even during the general strike that preceded the February 1979 revolution. The strike at this factory involved over 70% of the 1,700-strong workforce. Despite all sorts of machinations by the anjoman designed to frighten the workers into going back, the strike con-
In July, the workers went on strike. Some 240 workers were arrested, but the protests continued until all but five of them were released.
At the Chimiko Farma chemical factory, the workers elected representatives, as demanded by the manage. ment, to discuss productivity deals. The dispute over this question became very heated. The minister of labour invited the workers representatives to the ministry, and there he arrested them and sent them off to Evin prison. The workers went on strike until all of their representatives were released and the manager dismissed (in August). Rise of antiwar protest
In the first few months after May, in addition to the ones mentioned above, there were strikes in Pars Metal, Neeting (Ghazvin), Parlon, the Tehran Bus Co., Bridgestone, General Steel, Khaneh Sazy (Ahwaz), etc., and other forms of protest in a number of factories. But the rise in struggles really got underway in late November. This was preceded, on the anniversary of the start of the Iran-Irag war [September 22], by the first signs of widespread antiwar protests.
In Pars Metal, workers refused to accept shorter summer holidays in order to help the war effort. On Aug ust 13-14, in the Petrochemical Industry Development Complex, the Islamic Society tried to carry out Khomeini's order to collect financial support for the front. Hardly anybody paid, and, more important, none volunteered for the front (except, of course, the few anjomani zealots). In early September, the Parlon
It was in this period that the last clandestine workers journal published inside Iran, 'Nazm-e-Kargar' (" Workers Order") was silenced. It was a journal based on factory committees, initiated jointly by the Hezbe-Kargaran-e Sosialist, Socialist Workers Party, Iranian Fourth Internationalists, and a group of comrades from the Fedayan (minority).
2. Imam's committees guards, the sin gular is "pasdar, the plural "pasdaran"; Islamic anjomans [societies] were set up by fundamentalists to replace the shoras (councils) that arose in the plants in the course of the revolution -IV.
workers went on strike because the management had deducted a day's pay from their wages for the front.
In Pars Metal, again the management tried to impose a half hour compulsory over-time during the Haftehye Jang (War Week). The workers refused to budge. In Iran National, the workers even subjected those who did do overtime work to verbal abuse.
In November and December, over "Jobs Classification Scheme, the there were many major disputes. In the Fiat factory about 1,500 workers), the Islamic Shora and
Anjoman appointed two workers "representatives" to participate in the joint worker-management-Ministry of Labour committee to classify jobs. The workers protested against this action, and collected a lot of signatures demanding a general assembly to elect real representatives.
An assembly was promised. The names of 22 workers were put forward as candidates. The Islamic Anjoman accepted only 12 of them (10 of whom were their own members). On November 23, the assembly was held. The workers protested the removal of their real candidates from the slate. The representative of the Islamic Shora called these workers counter-revolutionaries. The majority of workers walked out and held their own assembly, where they passed a resolution condemning the Islamic Shora and Anjoman and their undemocratic elections (by 750 signatures, as against 200 for the anjoman).
The Ministry of Labour was forced to annul the results of its elections, and indefinitely postpone new ones. A week later, pasdaran [Revolutionary Guards| came to the factory and arrested the militant leaders and threatened more arrests if the protests continued.
In December, the strike in the tobacco industry got wide publicity. This industry had been well known to be a bastion of the regime. In response to protests over wage cuts classification"), manager a 12 hour day or no raises." Montazami, issued an ultiThe workers went on strike.
A mullah was brought in by the anjoman to try to persuade the workers to go back to work. The workers attacked him and forced him to flee. The pasdaran came in and arrested over a hundred workers, bringing the action to an end. Some 68 workers were sent to the Gohar Dasht jail in Karaj (and, reportedly, three of them were executed). The remainder were released, after being whipped.
In this period, there were number of strikes in Indamin (metalic shafts and springs), Tehran's Mineral Water Factory, Profil-e-Sabok (Con 10 struction materials), Azmayesh (housetiles), General Plastics, Luleh Sazy-e-
Ahwaz (steel pipes), etc. In Azmayesh, the workers held an assembly and passed a resolution demanding the expulsion of all the representatives of the anjoman.
the workers boycotted the elections organized by the management few days later, the leaders of the boycott were arrested, but widespread protests forced the manager to retreat. In Madar, the first strike on January 10, 1984, ended in defeat and victim-
Two days later, however, another strike was organized, forcing the managers to back down.
During February and March 1984, addition to continuing protests against the "job classification scheme, there were many strikes and go-slows over the question of productivity and
For example, such actions took place at Mazda (auto-
(petrochemicals), Naset (razor blades), Sepehr electric, Alamtik, Sina Darou (chemicals), Iran Yasa, Chimiko Farma, Igar (textiles), Chit-e-Rey (textiles), Santap, Karoon (agro-industry), Luleh va Machin Sazy Iran, and Abyek (cement).
In Chit-e-Rey, the news of lower bonuses for the Iranian year going
March 1983 to March 1984 extensive protests and proThe Islamic Anjoman made a statement on March
"God has given brains and intelligence to workers so that they can think and understand problems, so that when the government orders a small deduction from their wages, they will not listen to any traitor who protests." This pronouncement itself angered the workers. day, there was a strike, and the management backed down. The anjoman's statement was also withdrawn.
In Luleh Sazy on March 11, an interesting situation developed. There was a clash of interest between one of the managers and the Islamic Anjoman over the misappropriation of steel from the factory. The workers took advantage of this situation to go on strike and raise their demands. The strike was suppressed, and many workers, including anjoman members, ar-
On May Day, 1984, there was a general go-slow. As before committees were set up to organize celebration of the holiday. In many factories, statements were made a few days before May 1 attacking the regime for not recognizing this day as a national holiday. In a good number of these, to prevent any possible incidents, pasdaran came to the gates on
The next major strike took place in the Sasan soft-drinks factory on July 15. The management announced that production was low, and besides there was a war on, and so no productivity bonuses would be paid for the previous four months. Militant workers called on everyone to protest. The anjoman intervened to prevent a strike, but, nonetheless, one devel-
On July 18, the pasdaran came in and arrested four workers. In retaliation, the workers took a representative of the public prosecutor hostage. The pasdaran attacked, opening fire on the workers. Two persons were killed and many injured. Nonetheless, counter-attacked, forced the pasdaran out of the factory. (then chief Islamic public prosecutor) came to the factory and lectured the and took his four body-guards hostage. Five hundred pasdaran attacked the killing many and arresting the management announced the start of the summer holidays, and, with the help of the pasdaran, closed down the the holidays the Islamic Prosecutor's Office set up a section inside the factory to determine which workers were incidents. Beatings and torture were practised inside the factory, and many of the workers are still in jail. (A month later in this same factory, one of the foremen, a member of the Islamic Anjoman, was caught abusing women workers. He was expelled from utilized by the management as a pretext to lay-off more women.)
The news of the strike in Sasan and the ensuing repression spread to many factories, and in some neighboring plants (eg., General and Shisheh va Gaz) there were some solidarity actions. The repression, in fact, failed to block the rise of workers struggles. There were many more shorten the summer holidays, against cuts in productivity bonuses, and against pressures for overtime work, or cuts in wages to support the war effort.
The lack of support for the war has become even more marked this year. In Iran Termus, despite the presence of the pasdaran, the workers, leaving aside what the management donated, did not give much. In Ghoveh-e-Pars (batteries), starting in June, the workInternational Viewpoint 23 December 1985
ers refused to donate a day's wages which in 1981 produced 360 volunteers for the Basij [volunteer Forces] only four put their names forward this year. In a meeting on June 14 to encourage the workers to contribute to the war, the organizers were forced the meeting, because the workers turned it into an occasion to condemn the regime's antiworkingclass policies.
Farsh-e-Pars, came on July 14 to enlist volunteersio for the front, only a few attended the meeting, to say nothing of volunteer-
Saypa, the management announced that, starting from September
СИАЛОС
22 (War Week), Workers in an Iranian car factory. Tehran 1975. (DR)
work compulsory In protest, the workers
In Jam (a shoe Barf Kar (textiles), Vagon Sazy Pars, and Mina (glass), there were many this period, also, more extensive and more open clashes with the anjomans. In Sentab, Soviran (Chemicals), and Khaneh Sazy-e-Kermanshah, Raf Alborz (electrical), Tolidaru (chemicals), Benz-e-Khavar, Barf Kar, Gherghereh Ziba (textiles), Melli Shoes, Roghan Pars (cooking oil), MachinSazy-e-Arak, Momtaz (textiles), and many other plants, there were protests against the anjomans.
In Sentab and Soviran, workers beat up the anjomanis. In Alborz and Tolidaru the workers pushed the anjomanis out of the job classification schemes.. In Benz-e-Khavar and Khaneh Sazy Kermanshah, the workers developed such a hatred of the anjomans that whenever there was any conflict between the management and the anjomans, they took the side of the management.
In Khaneh Sazy-e-Kermanshah, the manager sacked a leader of the anjoman for interfering in management. He got an order from the governor's office to reinstate the anjomani. The manager refused to accept this, saying "It's him or me." Workers arrested the anjomani inside the factory. Pasdaran came in and freed him. But, eventually, his sacking was confirmed.
In Gherghereh Ziba, the management discovered that the head of the anjoman was using company cars for his personal benefit. The workers took the opportunity to raise the slogan "Death to the Islamic Anjoman." In Roghan Pars, to spite the anjomanis, the workers voted for a Jewish candidate against the anjoman! In Momtaz the workers arrested an anjomani whom they caught stealing from the factory and handed him over to the management.
During the latest strike in the
International Viewpoint 23 December 1985
Fumenat (textile) factory neary Rasht, workers realized that the management was colluding with the anjoman to steal a lot of textiles from the plant. A workers representative who discovered this was sacked. On July 10, 1985, the workers went on strike. There were clashes with the anjomanis and the management.
Pasdaran came in, started shooting, and arrested eighty workers. But the strike went on for two weeks until it was agreed that the anjomanis were to be sacked and that the sacked workers were to be reinstated. (A few days after this agreement, pasdaran raided the homes of many militant workers, arresting eleven of them. The next day, they surrounded the factory and brought the anjoman members back in.)
Chimiko Farma, there was a split in the anjoman. The head of the anjoman got a member of an opposing faction expelled from the factory through manipulation. The next day, when worker came to work, he was prevented from entering the factory. Clashes developed betof the anjoman. The workers took the opportunity to demand the expulsion of the head of the anjoman. He was paid off by the man-. agement to retire early.
The most important victory in this period, however, was won by the strike of over two thousand construc-
Esfahan Steel Industries. The management had previously come up with a plan to force these workers out of the industry in May 1982. Now, they brought it out again. On November 11, the workers went on to strike and held an assembly to formulate their demands. a 15-day deadline for the management.
On November 28, the strike was resumed. It made a major impact on Esfahan, which has been a stronghold of the hezbollahis ["party-ofGod" thugs]. The families of martyrs (war dead), basijis, and other strata of the hezbollah mobilized against
On December 6, the governor of Esfahan appeared on TV threatening workers with a general mobilization of the hezbollahis unless they ended the strike. He also said that the story that the management was planning to lay off the construction workers was simply a "rumour spread by counter-revolutionaries." He claimed that all that was involved was the transfer of some workers to other companies.
At Friday prayers the next day, Taheri, the chief mullah in Esfahan, appealed to the workers to end the strike. But it continued. The growing sympathy of the rest of the working class in Esfahan (especially the steel workers) for the strike and the determination of the strikers themselves foreed the management to retreat.
The plan for foreing the construction workers out was shelved, and it was announced that any transfers out of the National Steel Industry would be on a voluntary basis. On December 10, the strike ended with An explosive situation
The Esfahan strike clearly had a major effect on the combativity of the working class. In the following four and a half months
1985, there were over twenty other strikes. They occurred, for example in Bella (shoes), Machin Sazy-e-Arak, Samara (a contractor the Mobarakeh steel project), Kafsh-e-Melli (shoes), and Profil-ePars (construction materials).
the worsening and political crisis of the Islamic regime, any increase in industrial disputes is going to have a major effect on the stability of the regime. This is especially so since, in order to normalize the bourgeois order, the government has to make further attacks on the working class. Undoubtedly, the next period is going to be of decisive importance for the future of the regime.
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