The Anglo-Irish deal who working hours and a 35-hour work and for nationalizations.
What role is the youth playing
Q.
gains who loses?
in this context?
The mobilizations that have
A.
just taken place have been very massive. It all started after the demonstration to mark the anniversary of the
Polytechnic uprising. (2) The police have moved with unheard-of an brutality, and teargas, with clubs
THE PACT OFFICIALLY known as the "Anglo-Irish Agreement" was the who have been against youth signed on November 15, 1985, by the British prime minister, Margaret gathering every evening in a square in way, they killed a
Thatcher, and the Irish taoiseach (premier), Garret FitzGerald. An
Athens.
In this young anarchist.
ceremony was arranged for the signing, for the sake of a
So the youth decided to occupy media circus, at Hillsborough Castle, County Down, a symbol of the far-left the
Polytechnic, and several groups called for a demonstration that brought about
5,000 out young
The ceremony followed months of secret negotiations and a series of the
CPpeople, including a part of deliberate leaks about the likely outcome. Both Thatcher and
Interior youth. This initiative, more-
FitzGerald proclaimed that the main aim of the "Hillsborough Deal"
on a very grave crisis over, brought and a split in the youth organization was the defeat of Sinn Fein and the Irish Republican Army. (1)
of this party, because while the leadership at first called for taking part in the demonstration it did an aboutface
But its base did at the last minute.
accept this, and participated not anyway.
should be stressed that
It the wildfire mobilization spread like through the rest of the country, and almost everywhere we have seen occupations of universities and high schools, as well as demonstrations.
We think that we are seeing a new situation with respect to the youth radicalization, and we believe that it is possible to define perspectives for a linkup between these achieving mobilizations and those of the workers.
The demonstration at the Polytechnic in November
1973 prefigured the fall of the regime that came in July,
1974, the
Cyprus.
following
Turkish invasion of
The first bourgeois democratic elections since the takeover of the colonels were held on November 17, 1974, the first anniversary of the Polytechnic uprising, which became the the retraditional date to celebrate gaining of freedom by the Greek people.
International Viewpoint 13 January 1986 elaborate Protestant ascendancy in Ireland. JOHN MEEHAN
Since the H-Block/Armagh hunger strikes of 1981, Sinn Fein, under the leadership of Gerry Adams, the abstentionist member of parliament for West Belfast, have successfully contested elections in the Britishruled six-county enclave, getting about 13% of the total vote about 42% of the vote of the oppressed Catholic population). This compares with about 18 per cent for the bourgeois nationalist Catholic Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP), which is led by John Hume, member of parliament for Derry.
The SDLP, who were deeply involved in the confidential DublinLondon discussions leading up to the signing of the deal, now desperately need to see it bring some concessions for the Northern nationalist minority so that they can regain ground lost to Sinn Fein.
It is now clear that there will be no significant concessions. The Unionist majority have voiced their own opposition to the agreement in their traditional "no surrender" style. This has included a series of bellowing reactionary speeches, in particular from the rable-rousing preacher, Ian Paisley, who is the leader of the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) and member of parliament for North Antrim; a frenzied mass rally in Belfast; and the resignation of all the
For an assessment of the November 1 - 2 1985 "Ard Fheis" (congress) of Sinn Fein, see "Sinn Fein Moving Leftward, the stakes for the national liberation movement, " in "International Viewpoint" No 87, November 25, 1985.
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ULSTER IS NOTHE 6.201 SALE PHONY NO IRELAND DUBLIN OUT OUT PUPILLA
Unionist MPs from the London parliament. Bye-elections for the 15 vacated seats will take place on January 23, 1986.
Loyalist hysteria does have an intimidating effect on the nationalists. On the other hand, the tradition-
"no surrender" and "Ulster will fight, and Ulster will be right" (2) reminds them of their downtrodden position in the Six
In this context, nationalists react the Loyalists don't like it, maybe it has something to offer." This is a naive, knee-jerk response, which is entirely self-deceptive. But its effects can be seen particularly in the neocolonial south, where there is much less direct experience with British imperialism. indicate that a large majority of the population look favourably on the FitzGerald lays the constitution at Maggie's feet
This pressure is reflected by the sinuous course of the bourgeois party that has traditionally most exploited nationalist sentiment, Fianna first, the Haughey, raised accusing FitzGerald of selling deal was signed, Haughey declared that it was "an astronomical setback and a bad day for Irish nationalism." Fianna Fail Parliamentary Party in party would the agreement" if it would ameliorate the condition of the nationalist community." There was a clear connec tion between Fianna Fail's dithering and its score in the opinion polls. In one week its lead over the unpopular Fine Gael-Labour coalition government dropped from 11% to 6%
There was no wavering by Sinn Fein. In a statement released immediately after the deal was signed, Sinn president Gerry Adams that the Dublin government had formally recognised partition, thereby
Articles 2 and 3 of the
FitzGerald had insulted the "long nationalist people of the Six Counties," Adams said, by telling them in the Irish language that they could now raise their heads. "It is because we have raised our heads," gled and made sacrifices for our civil and national rights that the running sore of British involvement in Ireland has been addressed at all."
amounted to the "total abandonment of SDLP, Fine Gael and Fianna Fail assurances that they would not accept any internal Six County arrange-
"Sinn Fein's position remains clear. We will continue to give principled leadership to the nationalist people." The Sinn Fein president said that the only way Unionists and nationalists could get together would be if the Unionist veto were withdrawn in a "Britishless" Ireland.
What is actually in the Hillsborough agreement, and what are its long and short-term prospects?
The very first article of the agreement says, "any change in the status
Northern Ireland would come about with the consent of the people of Northern Ireland." (3)
This provision is directly contrary to Article 2 of the Irish constitution, which does not recognise any such entity as "Northern Ireland." It says, the whole island of Ireland, its islands and its territorial seas."
qualification position in the constitution is in Article 3, which states that "pending reunification of the national territory, laws passed by the 26-County parliament (the Dail) shall cover the South. er state only. But this article also notes that this is "without prejudice" to the right "to exercise jurisdiction territory, Whole of that [national]
The Hillsborough agreement's claim that "there is no derogation of sovereignty by either government" is, therefore, absurd.
In its duplicity, ment risks leaving itself very exposed. Shortly after the deal was signed, Garret FitzGerald repeated a posithat he has publicly held for several years: that Article 2 should deleted from the 26-County constitution.
But he did not fail to add, with his characteristic would not seek a referendum on the question. FitzGerald knows pro-Unionist view would be defeated.
Dependent on its more nationalistic base, Fianna Fail will not go along with any dropping of Articles 2 and
In promoting the Hillsborough deal, FitzGerald "Irish nationalist" and represent "Irish nationalism." This, of course, enfuriates the Loyalists. But what 3 speech by British "Northern Ireland" business people in Brussels:
"In Northern Ireland now we have signed an agreement in which the
Prime Minister of the Republic of Ireland, notwithstanding the fact that he faces, or has to live with, a constitution that has aspirations about soverover Northern Ireland, has, in fact, accepted that for all practical purposes and into perpetuity, there
United Ireland." (Irish Press, December 4, 1985.)
Left holding the bag by this arrogant imperialist official, FitzGerald furiously demanded an apology to save at least some face. The insensitive King, plainly, duly obliged with a tangled statement at Westminster. He claimed that he had only been expressing a personal opinion:
"I recognize that the way I expressed this indicated that I considered this also to be the view of Dr. FitzGerald. I, of course, accept that this is not the case." (Irish Times, December 5, 1985.)
In a statement, People's Democracy, the Irish section of the Fourth International, commented: the Forum Report, Margaret Thatcher said 'Out, Out, Out!' to a United
After the Anglo-Irish Deal British Direct Ruler Tom King says Garret FitzGerald agrees 'there will never be a United Ireland.'
"Garret, Maggie's Parrot, squirms, squeals and protests. It will do no good. He has chosen the humiliating and degrading path of putting forward and proposals; quoting agreement — to King, Thatcher, RUC supremo Jack Hermon and company
"There is 'no derogation' of British sovereignty in this deal. Iron Britannia
The southern state is up to its eyes in collaboration with British imperialism. It was founded in 1920 by a Westminster Act of Parliament, and consolidated its rule through a brutal war in 1922-23, involving the internment and summary execution of thousands of Republicans [militant and Limerick of people who took and 3 of the constitution imperialist activists. brutal methods condemned by Amnesty International. (4)
Through Section casting Act, Sinn Fein is banned from
In fact, there are nine counties in the historic province of Ulster, were included Ireland state when it was formed in 1920.
All quotations are taken directly from 4. For an example of a significant victory
"The Release of Nicky Kelly" IV No 60, October 1, 1984. International Viewpoint 13 January 1986
national TV and radio. Such blanket censorship does not operate even in Britain or the Six Counties.
The Hillsborough deal offers plenty of scope for "improving" such collaboration. For example, Article 8 declares that the Anglo-Irish Conference [an all-Ireland consultative body set up by the agreement] "Shall consider whether there are areas of the criminal law applying in the North and in the South respectively which might be harmonized."
Are the British government thinking of extending a "Section 31" to all of Ireland? The Hillsborough agreement opens the gate for that.
Another example of craven collaboration by Dublin is the extradition from the southern state to the Six Counties of people wanted there for political offenses.
Until recently, southern courts invoked the constitution and refused to extradite anyone to the Six Counties if they were wanted for offenses connected with the Republican struggle against the British authorities and the Loyalists. Extradition of republicans
In 1982, this policy was turned on its head by the ex-Fine Gael TD [teachta Dala, member of the Irish parliament] and Blueshirt (5) Chief Justice Tom O'Higgins. He declared that people up for extradition could only claim their offenses were political if they were "engaged in what reasonable, civilised people would regard as political activity."
Following this, Dominie MeGlinchey and Seamas Shannon became the first republican militants ever to be extradited to the north for political offenses. Other cases are pending.
The Hillsborough deal seeks to seal this treachery by allowing the South to sign the 1977 "European Convention Against Terrorism." Up till now, the South has invoked the "political exception" and refused to sign this convention.
In the wake of Hillsborough, FitzGerald announced that the Dail would now comply with the British request.
Article 3 of the Hillsborough agreement associates the Dublin government with the British policy of devolving power "within Norther Ireland on a basis which would secure widespread acceptance throughout the community"
This policy represents a substantial retreat from the 1972-74 poliey of "power sharing," which explicitly allotted a place within any Six-County a International Viewpoint 13 January 1986 government to the SDLP. After only five months in office, the "powersharing" government was brought down in 1974 by a work-stoppage of Protestant workers organized by the reactionary Ulster Workers Council (OWC).
The Hillsborough agreement's reference to devolution arises afrom a British desire to end "Direct Rule," instituted in 1972 after the rise of the mass civil rights movement forced the London government to suspend the Unionist parliament at Stormont.
Under direct rule, a British cabinet minister has overall responsibility for the Six Counties. This colonial posthas been pithily described by a previous Tory occupant, James Price, as "the dustbin of British politics."
After the H-Block/Armagh campaign came to an end in 1981, Price himself dug into the garbage and wrapped in a scheme called "Rolling Devolution."
The Loyalists, especially enthusiasm. the SDLP was incapable of playing its designated collaborator role. Sinn Fein, reversing its previous no participation policy, contested the elections on a "boycott Stormont" platform. The SDLP was obliged to follow suit.
Sinn Fein won a respectable vote, and the new Assembly at Stormont was left as a rump full of bickering
Without the collaboration of the devolve any real powers on the Assembly, which was a purely Protestant ascendancy body. A rash move could have increased the electoral support potential spill-over in the South.
From the British government's standpoint, the Hillsborough deal is a manoeuvre to get around this roadblock. So far, it has produced results. FitzGerald and the SLP have openly called for talks with the Loyalists.
Should the British decide now on a unilateral concession to the Loyalists on devolution, the Dublin government and the SDLP will be in serious trouble. The quisling nationalists cannot afford to pull out without conceding ground to the anti-imperialist resistance movement.
After this stunning catalogue of capitulations, one might wonder "Did they get no concessions in return?"
There has been some vague about rescinding the Flags and Emblems Act, which bans the flying of the Irish flag. It has also been suggested that it could be made legal to put street names in the Irish language. The fact is that the people in the nationalist neighborhoods have already taken these rights on their own.
Before the signing, some other carrots were dangled, such as a review of some judicial frame-ups of Irish people in Britain during the 1970s. Two notorious cases in this respect are the "Birmingham Six" and the Maguire family.
None of these people were connected with the republican move. ers in London of the Party! For this reason, some establishment figures, have spent over ten years in jail under terrible conditions, consider that such "soft" convictions might be overturned. Similar frame-ups involving republican militants are ignored.
As yet, however, there has been no action on this front. It is quite possible that the paranoid Loyalist antagonism to the Hillsborough agreement and a real fear that calling into question any link in the chain of repression could open up a Pandora's box will stay any judicial review, even most obvious and counterproductive frame-ups.
It might seem strange at this point that the Loyalists have reacted with such outrage to a deal that offers them so much. That is, in fact, a useful question to consider.
First of all, let us look at the Loyalist backlash. On November 23, over a hundred thousand [about one tenth of the total Protestant population of Northern Ireland] gathered in Belfast in front of a platform including 14 of the 15 Unionist MPs, all of whom have resigned to force a "referendum" on the deal.
Ian Paisley has made statements that the role accorded to Dublin "in joint control of Ulster's affairs is tantamount to putting Adolf Hitler in the Israeli cabinet." (Irish Times, December 3, 1985.)
representatives have physically attacked Tom King inside and outside Belfast City Hall. All Loyalist district councils are boycotting the British ministries.
Such a deep gulf has opened up between these Frankenstein's monsters and their creators that King's deputy, Nicholas Scott, has threatened to suspend the Stormont Assem-
A "moderate" Unionist grouping, the Alliance Party, accuses the Loyalists of planning an lan-Smith-style Unilateral Declaration of Independence.
Tom King's Brussels misstep -"No United Ireland in perpetuity" is one example of British efforts to calm the Lovalist monster. 5. The Blueshirts, imitators of Mussolini's Blackshirts and Hitler's Brownshirts, were fascist organisation active in the 26 Counties during the 1930s. They are direct ancestors of today's Fine Gael, the most pro-imperialist of the big bourgeois parties.
7
Glasgow, Scotland. Paisley addresses an anti-Pope march (DR)
TION
has been an internal memo in the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) from
Jack Hermon, denied a claim by FitzGerald that in the future the police would accompany patrols by the Ulster Defence
In some odd way, seems to think that RUC participation in these patrols would be a "reform." It is true that the UDR,
Loyalist-staffed atrocious record of attacks on Catholics.
But the RUC has plenty of skeletons in its cupboard too - for example, the shooting in cold blood of unarmed republicans Roddy Carroll and Seamus Grew in Armagh. (The responsible, Robinson, was later acquitted of murder by Judge Gibson, who praised his "marksman-
The Hermon memo was produced at a DUP press conference on Deeember 4. With a mind-boggling disPaisleyites called Hermon a "collaborator" and a "paid Dublin and London establishments." (Irish Times, December 4, 1985).
This incident, among other things, shows the futility of trying to conciliate Loyalist bigots. They are too rabid and bloodthirsty for that.
I referred before to the Loyalist strike that scuttled sharing. Political initiative, British "power
All the Unionists united on the fundamental point of defending the Protestant caste privileges, defence of the Orange antiCatholic ascendancy.
High unemployment and social deprivation among Catholics convince 8 the Loyalist working class that in the land of the blind, eyed is king." This is similar to the attitude of the white workers to Blacks in South Africa, or that of Israeli workers and poor to Palestin-
Unionists see any Dublin involvement — or any SDLP role -in the Northern state as a threat to the Protestant ascendancy. The Loyalthe year-long Dublin-London The coming electoral battles
They had seen Prior's Rolling Devolution as a quick way back to Stormont rule, and are incensed at extra delays and manoeuvres. Then there is the intolerable sight of 59 Sinn Fein members in district council chambers!
Tactical divisions in the Loyalist Bloc still play a role. Paisley stresses devolution. The Official Unionists, led by Molyneux, have in the recent past focused on "complete integration" into the United Kingdom.
differences led to constant squabbling in the Assembly. But with the rise of a common enemy, Sinn Fein, such divisions receded into the back-
The Loyalists are clearly hoping to be able to repeat 1974. Whether or not they succeed in achieving that, there is no doubt that they have pushed the political pendulum to the right. In this situation, the anti-imperialist response to the Unionist bye-election campaign takes on a critical importance. The same is true of the problem of a long-term anti-imperialist strategy for the South of Ireland.
Four of the 15 constituencies in which bye-elections will be held have potential nationalist majorities. They
Mid-Ulster, Fermanagh/South Tyrone, Newry and Armagh, South Down. Sinn Fein have declared that they will contest the bye-elections and have offered a "nationalist pact" to the SDLP.
However, nationalist unity has been rejected in blunt terms by the SDLP. The party leader, John Hume, pointed out that while the SDLP supports the Hillsborough deal, Sinn Fein opposes it.
In itself, there is nothing wrong in proposing a "nationalist pact" to the SDLP. But it is important that this be done within a clear principled framework of mobilising the masses against
That means collision with the SDLP leadership, which is committed to Hillsborough.
On the other hand, Sinn Fein could propose a united resistance in these elections - including with sections of the SDLP -by incorporating proposals for a united platform issues democratic rights and opposition to repression, such as the following:
* Immediate British withdrawal
* Disbanding the UDR and the RUC * Amnesty for political prisoners * An end to the Diplock Courts
[Special courts for trying political
People's Democracy believes that such conditions must be placed on negotiations with the SDLP or any other nationalists. Moreover, PD is calling for structured discussions around a "Freedom Charter" for Irish Unity. The national liberation movement needs a whole new strategy to confront the new ruling class offensive, in particular in the South. International Viewpoint 13 January 1986