The women's movement the constitution.
written into the Nicaraguan women's organization, has been very conscious of trying to reach out to, speak to and link up with feminists in the
United States.
AMNLAE representatives have come to NOW conventions where they have spoken in workshops
ON NOVEMBER 1-3 of last year, the feminist movement of the and had tables. They have explained the role they played in overthrowing
Spanish state organised a meeting in Barcelona (las Jornadas de
Barcelona) which was attended by 4,000 women from all over the meant for women and how women country - young and old, white- and blue-collar workers, peasants step forward in been able to have from deep within Andalusia, those active in the organised women's
Nicaraguan society. They have urged women in the United States to come movement and those not. We asked Justa Montero, a well-known the defense of to the forefront in feminist and a member of the Political Bureau of the Liga Comunista our sisters and brothers in Nicaragua
Revolucionaria (LCR), the section of the Fourth International in against US attack.
exchanges with
Nicaraguan the Spanish state, to answer our questions.
These women resulted in a stiffly worded resolution being passed by antiwar the 1985 NOW convention. It opposes the US nuclear arsenal and US military against the Nicaraguans intervention and Salvadorans on the same grounds
NOW had opposed US that earlier intervention in Vietnam. This resolurecalling the positive stance tion, that NOW took at that time, is an important progressive step taken by
Trade-union women are also important part of this renewed activity.
Beginning around 1976 it became increasingly clear that the union movement was willing to participate in the effort to get the ERA ratified.
It correctly posed the amendment as a working-class issue. Most working class women in the United States require two incomes if they have children. That has been true since inflation began to skyrocket in the for equal work is a crucial demand.
In this context the ruling class an opportunity to divide the working began its attack on women's as part of its general offensive against
The Coalition of Labor Union
Women (CLUW), which was formed this time, is a tenacious during organization. It is linked to the AFL-
CIO and is even represented on its
International Viewpoint 10 March 1986
Question. During the Jornadas de Barcelona you actually performed two abortions - illegal in the case of the two women concerned - and you subsequently made this action public. What led you to take such an initiative, and what was the political significance of it?
Our reasons were simply that the law on abortion enacted by government of Socialista Obrero Espagnol (PSOE) is an insult to women. Only 3 per cent seeking abortions covered by the law, which recognizes the right to abortion only in cases of of malformation of the fetus or severe health problems for the woman. And even that 3 per cent through a special hospital committee and obtain certificates signed by two doctors (and another certificate signed by the police in the case of rape). The application of the "conscientious objection" and in most hospitals refuse to perform abortions. More and more women are again resorting to back-street abortions.
The assembly of women attending the Jornadas gave unanimous approval to the performing of the abortions on two women who could not legally obtain them (one was a minor) in order to point out the absurd limits of the law. After the actions had been made public the police entered the conference rooms to try to find out the identity of both the women who had performed the abortions and had undergone them. But we were prepared: 3,000 women for the performing of the abortions. The secret was well kept, and the police never discover the names. All the left parties and the trade unions supported the action of the women. a week of scandalised debates in the press and throughout the country, the judge charged with the case had to dismiss it for lack of evidence.
The women in the movement are perfectly well aware that the only objective of this type of action is to denounce the law. It is a form of struggle. But in no way should it be taken as an adequate way of responding to the social necessities for the broad masses of women. The movement does not want to be involved in any sort of "self-help" work. We intend to make the demand that abortions should be performed free by the state, within the framework of the health system. It is a demand that we have been making for several years, and the Comisiones
17
----- pull-quotes on this page -----
on the rise
Obreras (CCOE - Workers' Commissions), various community organizations and the parties of the left (with the exception of the PSOE, of course) have finally agreed to support this demand: Derecho al aborto, las mujeres decidimos [the right to abortion - let the women decide].
Q. What are some of the other issues around which women have been mobilising in the recent period?
A. One of the central themes has been the struggle against the militarisation of society and against the Spanish state remaining in NATO. Anti-militarist women's commissions were created inside the framework of the women's movement and at the same time linked to the peace movement. They have been participating in all especially around demands of particular relevance protests have been organised in front of schools, hospitals and the Ministry of Health and Education to call for more women, now exceeds 25 per cent.
Last winter there were demonstrations in front of armament factories that brought together thousands of women. The main content of these demonstrations were the demands for withdrawal from NATO and for the transformation of the military budget into a social budget which would
The equipment used in the two abortions is displayed to the conference and improve the situation of women. The main slogan was "Neither war which destroys us, nor peace which oppresses us".
Q. How do you explain the strength of the independent women's movement in the Spanish state as compared to the downturn in most of the countries of Europe and North
A. One primary explanation perhaps that this movement, arose ten years ago within the framethe anti-Franco struggle, has had close ties to the left and far-left parties from the very beginning and consequently has had a radical
But I believe that derives its strength above all from its continuity and the fact that during this decade we have been able to achieve significant through our campaigns and the mass actions that we have led. Not only have we been able to influence women from all social strata, but the movement has proved itself capable of integrating the different levels of consciousness reflected in all these women.
The existence of national coordination of the movement and its continuation through all the ups and 18 of the last ten years have brought together so that they have reinforced each other. And by comtheir different experiences, many women have become aware of the fact that in all these fights they are confronting the same enemy.
Finally, I believe that one of the most important strengths of the movement in our country is that feminists have learned how to overcome sectarianism and to respect the opinions of women with different points of
And all of that was reflected in the November Jornadas?
A. Absolutely. striking was the women - 16 or 17 years old - who came to the meeting and gathered into their own committees to discuss their problems at home, at school and at leisure - discos and problems of sexuality, for example. Everyone was equally surprised by the number women who brought up their specific problems in the discussions of the commissions.
They had come, moreover, as a posters and leaflets distributed by feminist groups. There was not a single in the newspapers about the meeting despite the fact that we had held press conferences in Madrid and Barcelona two days before. It was only after the Jornadas - when it hit the newspapers that 4,000 people had attended abortions had been performed - that people found out about the confer-
One thing that struck us all was how much the movement had matur ed since meetings that we had held in Granada in 1979. At that time a Nicaraguan woman who took floor was hissed by the women present. This time, the floor was given to a representative of Nicaragua to close the conference. She told us how moved she had been by the solidarity expressed to her throughout Europe and particularly in the Spanish state. She explained how important it was for European feminists to understand that the struggle of women in Nicaragua was a part of their own struggle. When she stopped speaking all the women stood up, tears in their eyes, and shouted "Nicaragua vencera!" It was a moment of intense emotion, and I believe that it marked a great step forward for the women's movement of the Spanish state. International Viewpoint 10 March 1986