Social Democrats make
NETHERLANDS ity, together with the Liberals, who will lose in any account.
The outcome, however, is not yet decided. If in these coming months the peace movement and the trade unions mobilize on the issues of the gains in municipal elections missiles and the shorter workweek, and if voting for the PvdA seems at least to be a way to give political expression to these mobilizations, the party might get better results in May. But, if the PdA continues on its present road, working-class voters will stay away from the polls, and
AMSTERDAM - March 19 municipal elections in the Netherlands showed a growing support for PvdA (Partij van de Arbeid, Labor Party). In the big towns, especially in the traditionally Catholic south of the country, it registered gains of up to 12 percentage points, compared with the municipal elections four years ago.
The losers were, first of all, the Liberals, and, in the south also, their coalition partners in the national government, the Christian Democrats. But the PdA also gained on its left.
Although in many cases, the small left reformist parties - the CPN (Communistische Partij van Nederland), the PSP (Pacifistisch Socialistische Partij and the PPR (Polltieke Partij Radikalen) - presented common slates, they lost to the PvdA. Sometimes, their losses were heavy, as in the towns where the CPN used to have its strongholds.
The slow decline of the PSP and the PPR accounts for part of these losses, but the bulk of them came from the CPN. In all probability, this will reopen the crisis of the CPN which had hoped to be able to stabilize itself after a pro-Moscow split two years ago.
The new pro-Moscow party did not make any headway either gaining only one seat in a small provincial town where it had taken the whole CPN branch.
A similar phenomenon, the PSO (Partij voor Socialism en Ontwapening, Party for Socialism and Disarmament), a split from the PSP claiming to be more radical also failed to secure any substantial results, let alone win seats.
The only party to the left to make progress, other than the PvdA was the SP (Socialistische Partij, a populist party of Maoist origins. It obtained seats in 17 municipal councils, showing gains both in votes and seats in most cases.
The SAP (Socialistiese Arbeiders Partij, Socialist Workers Party, Dutch section of the Fourth International) participated in some cases in coalition slates. It had its own slates in Amsterdam and Deventer. In Rotterdam, the SAP members on the Links Rotterdam coalition slate got more preferential votes than any of the other
International Viewpoint 7 April 1986
In Amsterdam, the SAP got 428 votes (0.14%) and in Deventer, 167
(0.45%). In both cases, as a result of a relatively good campaign.
the municipal elections were completely overshadowed by the for the national elections, which will take place on May 21. In the results were more or less predicted by the polling institutes. But the gains of the PvdA and th corresponding losses of the incumbent right-wing coalition
The ruling coalition has maintained austerity program, its attacks on the social security system, and the instal-
The PydA is the only big party that has clearly opposed at least the latter two elements of the program of the right. In the surveys done in it approached since then it has dropped to nearer its traditional high of just under one The immigrant vote
The reason for this is clear. Because of its fear of having responsibility for an all-left government, of having to depend on the votes of the small left parties in parliament, and of the pressure of the mass movements, the PvdA has toned policies. Its avowed aim is to weaken the ruling coalition sufficiently force the Christian Democrats into a coalition with the PdA.
But paradoxically, this road has only led to weakening the PdA's power of attraction, thereby enabling the Christian Democrats to hold part of the waverers and keep their majorthe party will gain less.
Another interesting aspect of these elections is the participation of immigrant workers. Some of the immigrants, those from the former Dutch colony of Surinam and the present Dutch colonies in the West Indies, had the right to vote as Dutch nationals. Others did not, such as the several hundred thousand Turkish, Moroccan and Yugoslav immigrant workers, as well as immigrant workers of other nationalities. Those who have lived legally in the Netherlands for at least five years had the right to vote in the municipal elections. They will not be allowed to vote in the upcoming national elections.
Partial data on the voting behaviour of immigrants have been by various researchers. It is estimated that 47% of the Turks entitled to vote actually voted, which is only a few percentage points less than the voting rate for the Dutch in the municipal
The Moroccan voters were intimidated by groups linked to the Moroccan embassy. King Hussan II had called upon his subjects not to participate, and this call was backed up with threatening actions by the Amicales,
"cultural associations" linked to the Moroccan regime. The result was of the Moroccans entitled to vote actually cast a ballot.
In the case of the Surinam West Indians entitled to vote, about
The immigrant voters showed strong preference for the PdA. In Rotterdam, 83.6% voted for the PvdA, and in Utrecht it was 87%. There were no clear differences among the nationamong the Surinam and West Indian voters support for the PvdA was strong. This time 92% of them voted for the social democratic party.
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