Towards the general strike
Cyril SMUGA
General Jaruzelski's new trade-union law banning Solidarnosc and reestablishing the old Stalinist unions that were just a means for controlling the workers was the ruling bureaucracy's biggest provocaDecember 13, 1981, crackdown.
On the same day the bill was introMieczyslaw Rakowski said: "Those trade unions that were only suspended by the state of war decree now cease to exist.' It would be more accurate to say that they no longer have any legal existence, because there is a gigantic gap between what the bureaucracy wants and what the
But Rakowski's statement does mark out the road being taken by the National Council for Military Salvation (WRON).
PROVISIONS OF THE NEW 'UNION' LAW
The following provisions show what sort of 'trade unions' are permitted by the October 8 law.
1. Before December 1983, these 'trade unions' can only organise the workers in one plant at a time. Only one 'union' will be permitted in each plant, and fifty persons are enough to form one. In most of the big factories, therefore, it will be possible to form a 'union' made up entirely of the supervisors, the party cadres, and the management.
Not before January 1984 will these bodies be able to join into federations by industry and trade, since any organisation on a geographical basis is forbidden.
Finally in 1985, when the bureaucracy can be certain that these structures are completely house broken, they will be allowed to join in a national confederation. Only then, should the federation bureaucrats prove unable to agree among themselves how to divide the top positions at the confederation level, does the law permit the formation of other confederations.
2. Much as the text emphasises that these new 'unions' are to be 'independent' and "self-managed', the actual measures it contains make these terms devoid of meaning. In order to exist these 'trade unions' must be 'registered' by a tribunal. At any moment this tribunal may revoke this 'registration'. What is more, the tribunal can dismiss the representatives elected by the base, at any level.
And everyone knows that the judges are included in the nomenklatura, the register of government officials that is the formal foundation of the bureaucracy. Thus judgeships are only open to those whom the authorities consider "suitable, committed to their cause and prepared to make whatever rulings they are ordered to.
Moreover, if this were not a sufficient guarantee, the law details that the 'trade unions' must endeavour to build socialism, 'recognising the leading role of the Polish United Workers Party (POWP) in the building' of such 'socialism'. Should they differ with the Polish CP in any respect about "the building of socialism', the party can dissolve them forthwith.
3. The October 8 law recognises the right to strike, but this is reduced to a mere formality. Before starting a strike it is necessary to call a commission of conciliation'. When the commission has finished its work, it has to register a failure to agree'. The differences will then be examined by a tribunal, whose decision will be binding, unless one of the parties rejected arbitration at the start.
If the trade union succeeds in getting through all these stages, which can be protracted, it still has to give one week's notice. The strike can then take place, on condition that it is not 'political', and is not detrimental to the defence and security of the state.
Moreover, the law bans strikes by employees of the Ministries of Defence, the Interior, of Justice, and of Education. Likewise, it forbids stoppages by those who work in the food industry, radio and television, in banks, international trans port, in hospitals, and on the gas and oil pipelines.
THE REGIME GOES FOR DOUBLE OR NOTHING
The vote on this law took place at a time when the bueaucracy was being forced more and more to realise that the
Security checks in Poland (DR) political operation it undertook after the December 13 crackdown had failed. The passage of the new law reflects first of all the inability of the WRON to induce even a few recognised leaders of Solidarnosc to collaborate so that it could 'normalise' the trade union that on the eve of the crackdown organised 90 percent of the workers.
It is now more than ten months since General Jaruzelski began to talk of the return to 'normality', even if he kept hedging '... If the changes for the better continue, as long as no new tensions appear and if the return to normality proceeds in good order.'
It is now more than ten months since the resistance of the working class and the whole of society have shown the hollowness of Jaruzelski's guarded claims
3
of progress toward 'normality'. For ten has not been success in any of the attempts to set up mass organisations' that could at least gain the passive acceptance if not the support of the workers.
### ECONOMIC DISASTER
What is more, the social effects of the economic reform have driven into opposition to the regime most of those who had initially resigned themselves to the rule of the WRON, out of lack of perspective, weariness, or hope that a 'stronger regime would at least lead to an improvement in their daily these effects the most are a 44 per cent drop in average real wages between May 1981 and to the official figures themselves, and a striking increase in uneveness of income among the various
In fact the economic crisis has worsenconsiderabley months. There has been a drop in production in all heavy manufacturing industry of up to 40 per cent - indeed for the past year as a whole the drop has been even greater than that in some industries. An unprecedented agricultural crisis has developed, because the relationship between prices and production costs, particularly in cattle rearing, are more disadvantageous for the peasants than they have been ever since 1956. There has been a growing disparity between the goods available on the market and the spending power of the workers - despite a rise in prices of more than 200 per cent - owing to the fall, indeed the complete halt, of manufacture of a number of consumer goods.
The official figures themselves do not give any hope of an improvement in the situation within a time span that would have any meaning for the population.
### CRACKS APPEARING
IN THE RULING TEAM
This grim picture of the 'achievements' of Jaruzelski has not failed to have its effects on the cohesion of the ruling team. The vote on the trade-union law provided new demonstration of the defections which are beginning to appear within it. Thus, a dozen deputies voted against the law, and several others abstained.
them were several deputies satellite parties of the PUWP, independents, who had, however, approved the introduction of the state
Particularly worthy of note is the defection of the non-Party sociologist Jan Szczepanski, a member of the Coun cil of State, and therefore directly responsible for the December 13 crackdown. Given the job of heading up the Consultative Social Council - a body encharged with soliciting the support of intellecrepresent the continuity of 'renewal' -he was one of the few intellectuals of any to support Jaruzelski. His defection, which was known before the vote, even gave rise to the rumour in Warsaw that the vote in the Diet (parliament) would be postponed.
Likewise, as the recent cabinet reshuffle indicated, voices have been government itself against bringing in such a law at this time. And in the top ranks of the bureaucracy the heirs apparent have been getting into position, expecting that the regime would this time be forced to retreat in face of popular
CRUMBLING MORALE IN ARMY AND POLICE
In fact, the bureaucratic leadership has decided to go for double or nothing in stepping up the spiral of repression. But as it does this, the morale of its troops has reached a low ebb. This is clearly illustrated by the following statement by garrison commander to a reservist which was reported in an underground bulletin:
with an ordinary soldier, the commander said that if the workers went on resisting the coup as they had done until now they would win "because the leadership here has not the least idea what they should do":
Another sign of the demoralisation corroding the regime's repressive bodies is expressed by the policeman, interviewed by the organ of the PUP in Silesia, Trybuna Robotnicza: What the people are saying about us is brutal and unjust ... All these stories get around and it is difficult to deny them. We have families, children, fiancees, and they want to be able to live together in harmony with the society without this kind of psychological burden.'
In this situation, the appeals of Solidarnose to the soldiers and police which it has been issuing on a large scale now for several months — are falling on fertile ground. It seems that more than a few people in the repressive apparatus are the time is not coming to change sides.
SOLIDARNOSC ON THE EVE
OF THE VOTE ON THE NEW LAWS
The outlawing of Solidarnosc came at a time when the union was being hard hit repression.
regional committee Lower Silesia (Wroclaw), and one of the most prestigious national leaders of the had just been arrested, along with several other activists of his region.
the wake of the August 31 demonstration had already taken a number of intermediate leaders, or forced them deeper into clandestinity,
In addition, the and certain regional leaderships, divided as to the balance sheet of the August 31 action, and had not been able to lay out clear perspectives for action.
Thus, in a declaration on September 6, the Provisional Coordinating Committee of Solidarnose (TKK) wrote: 'Despite the abyss that the regime has created between itself and society, an understand ing remains our goal, and remains the only way out of the crisis.'
The TKK was saying this when among among the population, growing that an 'understanding' with the regime could never be achieved.
In none of the documents adopted by the TKK around this date was the perspective of preparation for the general strike mentioned. In fact, this marked a retreat from certain previous statements The American newsweekly Time reports that during a meeting of the TKK some days before the arrest of Frasyniuk, he was the only one to propose other forms of action than a simple boycott of the new "trade unions', and that he came into conflict with other members on this
Similar debates took place within the regional leadership of Solidarnose in Warsaw, at which two groups proposed a resolution advocating 'entryism' within the new 'trade unions. foundered on the veto of the representatives of the big enterprises, who saw it as a first class burial of Solidarnosc and a capitulation. So, the proposal was reject-
These discussions as a whole bear witness to the disarray and lack of perspecttives that made it difficult for Solidarnosc to organise a concerted response at the time of the vote on the law. This was all the more difficult inasmuch as the majority of militants were conscious that only
a full-scale general strike would be an appropriate response, and that such a strike could only succeed if it was prepared beforehand.
Since it was not possible to prepare an action of this sort in a few days time, the TKK issued a call on Saturday October 9 for a four-hour general strike Wednesday, November 10. The success of this action would, without a doubt, be the first step towards a chain of general strikes, that could be repeated untill all Solidarnose's demands were met. Only such mobilisations can make it possible to build up a relationship of forces favourable to the workers and thereby force the bureacracy into retreat.
### MASSIVE STRIKE ERUPTS
IN GDANSK the workers had become exasperated. And in those areas where it seemed possible to launch immediate strikes, they were unwilling to put off acting until some later time.
In Gdansk, on Sunday, October 10, two days after the passage of the law, leaflets appeared calling for an immediate strike. It seems that the TKK's call for a
November 10 had not yet become known in the city.
On Monday, October 11, at 6.00 a.m., the first shift at the Lenin shipyard went on strike. The action seems to have begun at the same time in a dozen other big enterprises in the Gdansk-Gdynia-Sopot region. These included the Paris Commune shipyard, the Gdansk refinery, the Unimor, Hydroster, and the Gdansk naval
A clandestine interenterprise strike committee was formed. In a leaflet distributed that Monday, specified the demands of the strike: *1) Release of Lech Walesa and all the internees. 2) The lifting of martial law. 3) the right of Solidarnose to begin functioning openly again within the framework of their present
The leaflet also gave news of the development of the strike: started at 6.00 a.m. this morning and will end at 2.00 in the afternoon. The second shift will not go to work. Tomorrow and the following days, there will be a strike from 6.00 a.m. to 2.00 p.m. The second shift will gather with the first. If the shipyard is closed, we will gather around the monument (near the entrance), and if there are other problems we will gather as close as possible to the fence. If there are attempts to bring in other workers to those who have been fired, we will continue the strike in the form outlined above. The new unions must be actively boycotted. Work will not be resumed until Lech Walesa shows up at the naval yard.'
At 2.00 p.m., the workers lett the shipyard in a cortege. Very rapidly, other demonstrators joined them. The ZOMO attacked. Street battles continued into
### LIDARNO
MARZECS2 OBOZ
INTERNOWANYCH ZK WIERZCHOWO the evening in which the demonstrators armoured police vehicles.
Other strikes are reported in the enterprises along the Baltic coast, notably in Elblag, Koszalin, and Szczecin. On Tuesday, October 12, the strikes and demonstrations continued. The police arrested several hundred people. In Gdansk alone,, there were 148 arrests. Strikes were also reported in enterprises in other cities, such as the Ciegelski plant in Poznan and URSUS in Gorzow.
The strike committee issued an appeal for a general strike in the Gdansk region. In the evening, the radio announced the of the shipyards. Henceforth, all workers were to be treated like soldiers and would be subject to military jurisdiction. The 'price' for striking went from five years in prison to death which was occupied by several thousand ZOMO, the call for generalising the strike was not followed. The Lenin shipyard itself resumed work on Wednesday. Leaflets signed by the regional Solidarnosc called for building for the
It is not time yet for a general strike. The regional coordinating committee is calling on the union to build one for November 10. The fight for Solidarnose will continue until it is won.
Did these Baltic strikes fail? It is clear that they did. But the workers were not broken. Some of the journalists who were there reported what they were saying: "For the time being, it's over. We are getting our breath back.' That is what one workers said. "This does not mean that it's over for Solidarnosc', another added. *Something may happen later this month, or the following one?
BUILDUP FOR THE GENERAL STRIKE
On the same day the workers in the Baltic went back to their jobs, support demonstrations took place in other cities. At Nowa Huta, the giant steel complex outside Cracow where 40,000 people work, more than 12,000 demonstrators confronted the police. Cops were seized by the crowd, disarmed, undressed, and slapped. One of the cops opened fire. Bogdan Wloski, a young steelworker fell, mortally wounded.
The workers at Nowa Huta had decided to build for the November 10 general strike but to demonstrate their solidarity with Gdansk in the street.
after the murder of the young worker, demonstrations and very violent street battles continued for several
On October 20, at Wloski's funeral, and 30,000 workers demonstrated at the Grebalow cemetary. Their banners read: 'Solidarnose Is Not
"He Died for Us, for Solidarnose'
But the strike expected in the steel complex during the burial did not take place. It was called off a few days before by Solidarnosc because too many workers had already been hit by the repression, and it was necessary to martial the maximum forces possible for the November 10
After October 13, repeated short work stoppages continued in the Jankowice mine near Rybnik in Silesia, in Polar in Wroclaw, in URSUS in Warsaw, where a leaflet signed by Zbigniew Bujak, one of the the five members of the TKK, called for generalisation of the strike.
The new unions were boycotted everywhere. At the October Revolution printing plant in Warsaw, which employs several thousand workers, 11 joined. At the URSUS plant in Gorzow, out of 5,000 workers, 90 joined; at the FSC truck factory in Lublin, 33 out of nearly 10,000; at WSK in Swidnik, 20 out of 9,000; and at Nowa Huta, where the new 'union' has offices and controls the plant radio, 100 joined out of 40,000.
Throughout the country, the prepara tions for the November 10 general strike are going well. This is shown by the setting up of underground strike commitwalkouts, slowdowns, and street demonstrations.
The test of strength that began with the Gdansk strike is continuing in Poland. More and more workers are beginning to feel, as a statement made by nine Solidarnose leaders interned in the Bialoleka camp points out, that a social compromise has to be won by force', that a general strike well prepared politically and materially is the only strategic perspective
In this new stage of their struggle, the Polish workers will have even need of the active support of the international workers movement. We must work today to see that such support is
The stakes are very large and they are far from confined to Poland. The struggle of the Polish workers for democratic rights, for trade-union rights, and for a self-managed republic based on socialisation of the means of production and their management by workers councils is a struggle for socialism. It is part of our struggle. Victory for the Polish workers would give a powerful impetus for other victories. A defeat for them would be a defeat for us as well.
The PSOE on the eve of electoral success
Upon announcing the dissolution of the Cortes (Parliament) and attitude of certain bourgeois components will depend on how calling a general election for October 28, Spanish Prime Minister many seats the socialists actually win. The socialists, as they get
Calvo Sotelo made the following bitter statement last August: closer to participation in government, are being more and more
*In a democracy, there is no room for a political vacuum.' (Le respectful of the 'real powers' (institutions, army, capitalists,
Monde, August 29-30, 1982). The editorial of Le Monde com- church) that govern the Spanish state.
mented that this confirmed that the team in power found it The PSOE is basing its economic and social policies on a impossible even to keep up the appearance of a normal parlia- reduction in the cost of capitalist production, aiming to create
800,000 new jobs over the next four years.
In effect, the crisis of the party in power, the Union of the PSOE programme considers indispensable 'the collaboration in
Democratic Centre (UCD) reached its high point, whereas, the the sense of a dialogue and the necessary understanding between military, since the aborted coup of February 23, 1981, seemed the different groups and economic and social forces that operate to be acting more and more like the power behind the throne of inside and outside industry. They want to install real 'concerdemocracy'. The decrepitude of the ted planning', that is, to institutionalise the principal of the
UCD was illustrated by the defection of 25% of its members of Social Pact, as, 'to get out of the crisis, it is necessary to advance parliament while it was in session. It got worse during the towards a concerted economy'. This policy certainly does not summer following the electoral victory of the Spanish Socialist match up to the aspirations and expectations of the electorate
Workers Party (PSOE) of Felipe Gonzales in the Andalusian the will bring the PSOE into government.
regional elections, and after the current grouped around former Santiago Carrillo's Communist Party (PCE), whose pro-
Prime Minister Adolfo Suarez, who then created the Democratic gramme is barely distinguishable from the PSOE's, is especially and Social Centre (CDS), left the UCD on July 28. preoccupied with trying to avoid too great an electoral collapse
This exposed political crisis goes back a long way. The back- and marginalisation from parliamentary life. If the PSOE puts drop to it is the inability of the bourgeois formations to lead an itself forward as the guarantor of change, with a programme effective process of institutional reform to transform Francoist that does not propose any radical reform, then the PCE puts
Spain into a parliamentary-type regime. The February 23, 1981 itself forward as the guarantor of the PSOE's election promises.
coup attempt illustrated this failure, with the direct intervention In this political context, as well as with the discovery on of a sector of the military hierarchy against the process of October 2 of a new military conspiracy (Operation Cervantes), aiming to 'neutralise the centres of civil and military power' and
This crisis provoked divisions within the bourgeoisie on what to 'declare and state of war and isolate the capital' (Le Monde, policy to conduct on immediate fundamental problems: the October 13, 1981) just before the elections, our comrades of national question, the hardline sectors of the army, social and the Liga Comunista Revolucionaria (LCR), section of the political reforms, etc. One orientation of the bourgeoisie follow- Fourth International in the Spanish state, have been arguing for ing an electoral victory of the PSOE is a recomposition around joint candidates to stand on a platform of a few key demands.
Popular Action (AP) of Fraga Iribarne, former Francoist minis- Vincent Kermel spoke to