A new course for the
Italian Communist
THE EIGHTEENTH CONGRESS of the Italian Communist
Party (PCI) met March 18-22 in Rome. It included 1,039 delegates (1,042 were elected by provincial congresses), representing a little under a million and a half members.
There were also 270 "external" delegates, non-party allest. precisely in this area that a new, or partly new, orientation is taking form.
In fact, the PCI had already started talking about an alternative ("the democratic alternative") about ten years ago, after members with the right to speak but not to vote.
Thirty-four per cent of the delegates were women, as against 28 per cent of the membership.
A minority document presented by Armando Cossutta, an old leader from the 1950s, was rejected with only 21 votes for and seven abstentions. The Central Committee
(CC) was elected by secret ballot. The best known representatives of the right, in particular, found their names frequently crossed out by delegates. For example,
Lama, the former chief of the Italian General
Confederation of Workers (CGIL) got only 103 votes out of a total of 837 voting. There were 143 abstentions.
According to the party general secretary, Achille
Ochetto, this congress marked a turning point for the
PCI. He saw it as giving impetus to a "new course" for the party, whose electoral fortunes have been on the wane.'
LIVIO MAITAN
IO DETERMINE whether the a turning point, as its leaders claim, you have to first analyze the doument adopted by the CC in November, which was finally voted by a large majority at the congress.
The sections of this document that concern the international situation serve up once again conceptions worked out in the past and which to a large extent take account of the notions developed by the new leading group in the Soviet Union.
The first is the idea of interdependence.
According to the document, we have to move on from "a phase marked by division and bipolar competition to a phase recognizing the link of interdependency."
Indeed, "a radical turnaround" is supposed to have occurred in international relations.
All this, moreover, is supposed to confirm the correctness of the perspective of "a world government" that [former party lead-
12 er] Berlinguer talked about, and therefore
"the need for efficient and democratic
International Viewpoint #163 • May 15, 1989 international institutions capable of orienting and overseeing the choices made by the big centers of economic and financial power. In this context, it is necessary to give the maximum support to the UN and the other Ly anizations that belong to the UN fami-
As regards Europe more specifically, the document stressed the need for "an institutional reform of the Community that would assert the sovereignty of the European people," as well as the need for "defining, building and reinforcing a European social space."
The second part of the document, which deals with domestic questions, is centered on the idea that "the republic's political and constitutional system went into a crisis stage some years ago." This crisis cannot be resolved by maintaining or refurbishing the present governmental coalition, whose axis is collaboration between the Christian Democracy (DC) and the Socialist Party (PSI). Therefore, the perspective that has to be advanced is that of an "alternative." It is abandoning its national unity orientation. But there was far from unanimity about what this was supposed to involve, even among the party leaders. Now they seem to agree that "the historic compromise strategy is definitely behind us" and that the alternative is an alternative to the Christian Democrats and their political regime. In order to offer this, the PCI has to work toward "bringing about a change in the PSI's line," without whose collaboration such an alternative cannot be seriously envisaged.
Specialists in inventing new terminology
Inventing new terminology has always been a speciality of the PCI, and Occhetto is carrying on the tradition. The new watchword is "riformismo forte" ("tough reformism"). In this respect the congress document says that the "left has to rethink its central ideas," that is "freedom as the enjoyment of a plurality and variety of goods (material and immaterial) from which no citizen, man or woman, can be excluded; equality of rights, access to culture, education, information, goods and services, without differences being abolished but rather being guaranteed; work, in the context of a radical transformation of the relationship between humanity and nature, development, resources, production and reproduction, working and living time; solidarity as an element of the moral autonomy and sociability of individuals; the value of sexual differences as a full affirmation of freedom for women."
Over and above such general proclamations - whose originality is at least questionable — "tough reformism" is focused, especially in this stage, on constitutional reforms. In this area, discussion has been going on already for years, but the only change introduced so far has been the limitation of the secret ballot in parliament. The PCI itself has made little progress in this 1. Only 26.6% at the last legislative elections in 1987. See IV 124, July 13, 1987.
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ITALY Party?
area. From the outset, it gave up the fight for the only reform that might bring even a little improvement in the functioning of the parliamentary institutions, that is abolition of a totally paralyzing bicameral system.
The PCI explains that "the decisive step" now is a reform of the election law to enable citizens to decide directly on the "program to be implemented in practice and the political forces and individuals to implement it." But no concrete proposal in this regard was made during the congress. "Economic democracy is a new frontier"
It is significant the the problem of was taken up only in the very last part of the document. But here again there is nothing more than generalities, or in the best of cases democratic demands that in principle no one could challenge. There is not the slightest allusion to any anti-capitalist dynamic of the struggles that are to be waged. To the contrary, the goal of democracy," which is presented as one more objective of "tough reformism," is summed up as follows:
"Economic democracy represents a new frontier of political democracy and its extension in the sphere of the social powers. It must take up the problems in different arenas - reform of the social state; democratization of the enterprises; redistribution of income, wealth and property; the creation of new kinds of enterprises. The fight for economic democracy has to be characterized as a growth of the possibilities for access by the workers to knowledge and to managing the transformations of enterprises and their social and human implications."
Such statements could be shared by liberal democrats and even by vaguely progressive entrepreneurs, especially since the document adds that all these objectives have to be conceived in the framework of an economic orientation "whose primary objective has to be broadening the productive base and reinforcing the overall productivity of the system."
At the congress neither Occhetto's report nor his conclusions introduced any changes or new elements. This is shown by the following passage from his report and from one of his conclusions that illustrates still better the PCI's gradualist approach and the insubstantiality of its "new" responses. Taking up the question of the relationship between the state and the market, Occhetto, dodges the issue by saying: "We are going beyond the old quarrel over whether there should be more market and less state. We are changing the terms of the problem by saying that there has to be a better state and
His summing up of his, so to to speak, strategic approach, is quite as revealing: "The task of a force such as ours, which is inspired by a strong socialist ideal, is to work in our society for our society — not with the aim of imposing another model on it, but to transform it, to govern it by following a tolerable path of development and by being ready to collaborate with other regions and systems in the world."
In reality, if there is anything "new" by comparison with the the preceding congress it is in the disappearance of any class-struggle approach both in the area of analysis and of orientation. Not only does the PCI no longer present it itself as the party of the working class or the workers. Even the most general term, "the workers' move-
• T'unita
DE ment," is no longer used (if the reports are accurate, it appeared only in Gorbachev's message). Cossutta was right, therefore, to say that the party "is heading toward a liberal democratic shore." In fact, the party is already beached on it.
### Traditional left has evaporated
Like the pre-congress debate in the party press', the debate at the congress itself was less animated and argumentative than at the 1986 congress. The right, overall, had good reasons to be content, especially inasmuch as the the notion of integration into the "European left" is now fully developed, and any idea of a a "third force" has been explicitly abandoned. Some of the champions of the latter idea (such as Macaluso, a member of the leadership) did of course express reservations, in particular about the the way of taking up the problem of relations with the Socialist Party. But at the moment, such differences are quite secon-
The more traditional left has simply evaporated. Its main representative, Pietro Ingrao, offered his explicit support both to the CC document and to Occhetto's report. He limited himself to stressing certain themes ("new internationalism," that is good relations with everyone; sexual differences; and so on) and to calling on the party not to give up "its active and exhaustive criticism of the capitalist system of production." As for former members of Il Manifesto, Magri adopted an extremely low profile, and Luciana Castellina, who
ITALY had waged a battle over an important amendment on international policy at the previous congress, did not even speak.
Thus, Amando Cossutta's group, which put forward an alternative document this time, was left to fight alone against an overwhelming majority in the CC and in the congress. A part of the international press pointed especially to the end of his speech: "After this congress, will there still be room for those who oppose the genetic mutation of the party but want to remain Communists?" 6
This tougher language and attitude, however, was not accompanied by any evolution in the conceptions of Cossutta and his comrades. Their intrinsic weakness remains their fundamentally reformist approach, and their reference point continues to be the CP of Togliatti's time.
Moreover, they can take comfort from the Soviet Union's recent evolution, which they think proves that they were right to oppose the "strappo" (wrenching turn) at the beginning of the 1980s.
Women playing greater role in party The fact is that Gorbachev does not pay the slightest attention to them, and both in a recent meeting and his spectacular message to the congress, he expressed his support for Occhetto in the most explicit way.? Finally, it has to be added that at the CC meeting that took place immediately after the congress, Cossutta voted for Occhetto as general secretary, explaining that his confidence in him was "indisputa-
The statistical data indicate clearly that women are playing a more and more important role in the party, which is unquestionably an achievement. The proportion of women on the CC, for example, has risen from 18% to 31%. The PCI leaders have accepted, without any reservations or distinctions, the "philosophy of sexual difference." This is a fundamentally opportunist attitude, as confirmed by the fact that generally they do not offer much explanation 2. The written discussion, which was conducted for a little more than two months in the daily l Unità and the weekly Rinascita, made it possible to publish only a limited number of contributions, although hundreds of others arrived at the editorial offices. It was much less interesting than on other occasions. On the preparatory discussion for the Seventeenth Congress, see /V 92, February 10, 1986. 3. Lama, the former chief of the CGIL, greeted the abandonment of Berlinguer's "third way" view with particular enthusiasm. Another rightist, the president of the cooperatives, Turci, praised Occhetto for "his courage, his intelligence and his flexibility." 4. The il Manifesto current split to the left from the PCI in 1969 under the pressure of the social movements and the far left, but the majority later rejoined. 5. On this, see my article on the 1986 congress in /V 99, May 19, 1986. 6. Ironically, the most representative bourgeois daily, Corrierre della Sera, answered "no." 7. Gorbachev appeared at the congress on a giant screen to read his message. He credited Occhetto with meadea of transmiting his message by this unusual 1 3 May 15, 1989 • #163 International Viewpoint
ITALY of what this involves, and stick to elliptical interpretations that probably do not satisfy the more radical champions of this "philosophy."
As was to be expected, most of the women who took part in the debate took up this question. But they did not offer any more precise idea of their conceptions, generally restricting themselves to very general appeals. When they were obliged to translate their conceptions into demands, they expressed democratic aspirations that do not seem to be necessarily linked to the theory of the difference.
Three themes proposed on women
Livia Turco, one of the best known leaders and a member of the party secretariat, summed up the themes proposed by Communist Party women as follows:
1) Defending the ethical content of the principle of self-determination of women in regard to sexuality and procreation; preventing abortion; honoring the options of motherhood. 2) Recognizing the rights of working women. 3) Reform of the social
The discussion on the feminist question, however, gave the CP a chance to give an additional demonstration of its ecumenism. It offered the platform of the congress to Luce Irigaray®, , who is more than ever ready to collaborate with the PCI, thereby confirming that the party and its conceptions can fit in quite nicely with ultrareformist political orientations.
One of the innovations of the Eighteenth Congress was the adoption of statutes that are the end-product of a long evolution and represent an attempt to adjust the statutory forms more to the reality of the organization. The headline in the party daily was quite revealing: "Goodbye, democratic centralism!" The fact is that the PCI insists on the traditional obfuscation that equates democratic and bureaucratic centralism, attributing to the former all the undemocratic features of the latter.
However, you have to give the authors and presenters of these statutes credit for carrying the theoretical justification of this further than social-democratic parties that have been integrated in bourgeois institutions for a century. One of Occhetto's closest collaborators, Fassino, said that the new statutes represented "a model inspired by the democratic and constitutional state." It was also explained that "the statutes introduce a new constitution inspired by the parliamentary model....The Central Committee is conceived as a Chamber of Deputies, the leadership as a government, the Secretariat as the office of the president of the Council of Ministers, and the post of chair of the Central Committee has been introduced."
If you take into consideration that the 14 PCI has declared itself favorable to a reinforcement of the premier's powers, it folInternational Viewpoint #163 • May 15, 1989 lows from this that its secretary should play a preponderant role in the leadership. It is true that l Unitá has already portrayed the PCI as "the party of Occhetto." It should be noted that while the new statutes establish a series of guarantees for minorities, they continue to exclude the right of tendencies. In fact, Cossutta himself complained about the norms in force for the conference, which made it possible to present his document for a vote in only a very limited number of branches (where, according to him, it got 26% of the vote).
Furthermore, at the congress, a veritable wall was erected against resolutions and amendments adopted by provincial congresses that the leadership was not ready to accept. The worst case was that of amendments adopted by 16 federations calling for an end to the concordat between the Vatican and the Italian state, which dates back to the period of fascism. Finally, an evasive document was imposed by a maneuver that aroused the dissatisfaction of a series of delegates (the former party secretary, Natta, himself abstained).
Leadership elected by secret ballot
On the other hand, the outgoing leadership (or its majority) did not get its way on the question of a secret ballot. Those who wanted to make this conditional in all important cases on a demand from a certain number of delegates (10% to 20%) were beaten. It was decided that in the congress the leaders would be elected by secret ballot, if at least 10% of the delegates demanded it, and that the election of the leading bodies by the CC, the Regional and Provincial Committees and the elections of the control commissions would have to be by secret ballot. It remains to be seen if this measure makes it possible to put an end to the practice of what amounts to essentially coopting members of the leading bodies.
The new CC in fact corresponds quite well both to the spirit of the statutes and to the reality and role of the party. It is now made up of 300 members — a real parliament! — and it includes all the regional secretaries (about 20), 67 provincial secreabout 50 deputies and a dozen mayors. It is not hard to imagine who will have the most weight in this unwieldy assembly. It will certainly not be the little group of workers elected (only two workers spoke in the congress).
In the pre-congress period, very sharp debates took place over the question whether the PCI would enter the Socialist group in the European parliament and whether it would unify with the PSI. The latter's secretary, Martelli, an ultraopportunist maneuverer, raised the idea of a "common home" for Communists and Socialists for 1992. Occhetto's answer was "why not before, if possible?"
It would be quite wrong to pose the problem in purely ideological or purely pragmatic terms. It is unquestionable that the reasons for the split in the old Socialist Party in 1921 no longer exist today. The PCI in no way distinguishes itself from the social democratic parties or from the PSI itself. But it does not necessarily follow that a unification is on the agenda.
In fact, the PSI does not for the moment seem to have any intention of changing its orientation. Its game is to exploit all the room it has for maneuvering between the Christian Democrats and the PCI. It wants to maintain its position in the government, with all that this involves in terms of jobs at all levels, while at the same time opposing the Christian Democrats, who are the majority in the government coalition. It thinks that this policy has paid off, and that it will continue to do so for some time.
What is more, the PSI is convinced that the relationship of forces in the workers' movement can evolve further in its favor and that, therefore, a unification could be carried out in terms more favorable to it at a future congress.
These considerations explain why the PSI leader, Craxi, sabotaged a meeting of a PCI delegation with the European Socialist group, for which a date had been set, apparently with his agreement. They explain why he made a very negative assessment of the PCI congress, insinuating that it had broken only very partially with the party's history (which is the opinion of hardly any of the bourgeois observers, whether they are favorable or not to the PCI entering the sphere of the government). European elections will be important test for PCI
In these conditions — which could have been envisaged well before the congress — the PCI is obliged to defend itself by reasserting its own identity, with the aim in particular of forestalling further electoral decline and a more drastic change in the relationship of forces in favor of the Socialists. For this reason, one of the themes of the congress was proclaiming the party's independence, in a spirit of party patriotism that seemed to have been forgotten.
Occhetto exerted himself to express all this, and apparently he succeeded, to judge from the reactions that he aroused almost everywhere in the party. Whether this effect will last is quite another matter.
In this context, the European elections in June will be an important test for both the PCI and the Socialist Party. * 8. Irigaray, a psychoanalyst and author of books on women, last September praised the national festival of "'Unità, and said among other things that "love is the only answer to all the mental and moral illnesses of our time." 9. In 1921, the Communists split from the Socialist Party on the question of joining the Third International and accepting the famous "21 conditions" it imposed. Unlike what happened at the Congress of Tours in France, the Communist split involved a minority (close to a third of the members).