A democratic socialist East Germany could become a lever for a socialist Germany and a socialist Europe. A democratic socialist East Germany would become a powerful pole of attraction for the working class, for the youth, for the environmentalist and peace movements in Poland and Hungary, throughout East and West Europe, and even in the USSR itself, if the East German workers won freedom, democracy and political sovereignty; if they established self-management in their enterprises; if they generalized the functioning of organs of direct democracy; if they set up workers' and people's inspection that assured real protection of the environment; if they immediately introduced a 35-hour workweek.
Then, an immense hope would arise throughout the world. Then, there would be an attractive socialist model that offered an alternative to the joint failure of Stalinist despotism and of the social democrats trying to manage the capitalist crisis. Then, all this commotion about the "end of communism" and the "end of socialism" would evaporate overnight.
This is still only a hope. It is still only one possibility among many others. But this Monday, October 30, 300,000 persons came out again into the streets in Leipzig. In Schwerin, a city of 100,000 inhabitants, 80,000 people demonstrated in the evening.
On Saturday, November 5, a million people are expected to demonstrate in Berlin. The chance for a victory in East Germany has to be seized and a decisive 4 imperialism. * defeat dealt to the bureaucracy and to
WE PUBLISH below the political platform of New Forum one of the main opposition groups in East Germany DOCUMENT
N OUR country, communication between the state and society has now clearly broken down. This is proved by the fact that, while some retreat into private life, others leave the country en masse. Elsewhere, migrations on this scale are caused by need, hunger and violence. This is not the case in the DDR (East Germany). The breakdown in communications paralyses the creative forces of our society and prevents the solution of both national and local problems. We do nothing at a time when we could be doing things of great importance for our life, our country and for humanity.
Different parts of society
In the state and the economy, the balance of interests between social groups and layers is not adequately maintained. The different parts of society have ceased to talk to each other. In private circles, people put their point of view quite easily and propose what should be done.
But there are very different desires and aspirations and there is hardly any possibility to compare and verify their viability. On the one hand, we want an improvement in services and an increase in our consumption of goods, on the other, we recognize the social and ecological consequences that this implies and demand the establishment of limits to economic growth.
We want more space for economic initiative, but we reject a decline towards a marginal society. We want to retain the social gains make space for the renovation of society, in the framework of a development that is less hostile to nature.
We want rational social relations, but not a society under tutelage. We want to create free men and women, an aware community. want to free ourselves from violence and not to live in a state composed of toadies and hierarchies. The idlers and incompetents must get out, but we do not want to punish the weak and destitute in our society. We want real social justice of which nobody can take advantage at the expense of others. We want to develop exports and be a part of the world market, but not by becoming debtors and subjects of the most industrialized countries, nor by becoming the creditors and exploiters of the economically weakest countries.
### Democratic dialogue necessary
To take account of all these contradictions, to listen to and discuss different opinions and arguments, and to distinguish general from particular interests it is necessary to develop a democratic dialogue on the tasks of a State of Laws, on the economy and on culture. We must discuss and reflect together in all these questions in an open manner throughout the country. This is the indispensable condition for finding a solution to the present crisis. Today, social development is marked by the fact that a large number of people are participating in the process of social reform and by the fact that the multiple activities of groups and individuals lead to common initiatives.
As a consequence, we are working out a common political platform for the whole of the DDR, that will allow citizens - whatever their profession or association or party affiliation to take part in this debate on the major problems of our country. To develop such an initiative, we have chosen the name New Forum.
New Forum's activities rest on social bases. We base ourselves on article 29 of the DDR's constitution which gives us the possibility to defend our political interests. We demand our legalization on the basis of the law of November 6, 1975 on "the foundation and activity of associations." All the demands raised by New Forum have their roots in the aspirations for justice, democracy, liberty and the desire to defend and preserve nature.
This aspiration and these desires inspirers our social action. We call on all the citizens of the DDR who wish to change society to become members of New Forum. The time is ripe. *
Opposition groups emerge as mass upsurge deepens
THE RULE of the bureaucracy in the countries of "actually existing socialism"
rests on two pillars - the power of the state
On the fortieth anniversary of the founding of the German Democratic Republic [DDR],
EAST GERMANY stated: "what has now started in the DDR will set off a revolutionary transformation." The Presidium of the writers' union spoke in a
October 7, there was a historic apparatus and the passivity of the masses turn. It is true that over 100,000 Imposed by intimidation or terror. The members of the Free German mighty demonstrations of the past weeks Youth (the CP youth organization) marched past the party lead- have overturned one of these pillars. ership once again. But on the Hundreds of thousands of people have same evening, according the CP organ Neues Deutschland, "hooligans in cahoots with the Western media...formed a mob." This demonstration was brutally broken up. But in the following days, 150,000 people came onto the streets to protest. In the week after October 15, at least 400,000 were involved and in the following one well over 500,000. The spontaneous mobilization swept the country. This has changed the situation, even though the state apparatus has not really been shaken. Nonetheless, small groups of police have refused to attack demonstrators and been arrested.
In such a situation, it has become clear how isolated the bureaucracy really is. There have been no demonstrations in its support. It might like to stage a brutal crackdown like the one in China against the democratic movement (in fact, it solidarized with the actions of the Deng leadership). But it is politically unable to do so. If it did perestroika in the Soviet Union would lose its credibility throughout the world. And the DDR cannot exist without the political support of the Soviet Union. When police clubbing and mass arrests could no longer hold back the wave of protests, the tactic was changed. Regime adopts stalling tactic and makes promises
All demonstrations are being tolerated, even if the central organ of the Communist Party continues to talk about agitators and thugs. What everyone knows already is even being reported openly in the media. The regime is trying channel the demonstrations with a stalling tactic of vague promises and avowals of readiness to talk. Trips abroad are going to be permitted. There are going to be more consumer goods. And political prisoners (4,000 of whom are people who tried to "flee the country") are going to be amnestied.
The previously unapproachable state power is being opened up to dialogue with the citizens, although this remains strictly overcome their fear. HANS-JÜRGEN SCHULZ controlled. Hundreds of thousands of people have come to public forums at which leading politicians have accepted critical questions. Police officers have apologized publicly for attacking innocent people. All of this is intended to create the impression of a political liber-
However, it has not worked. The possibility of a political radicalization may have been staved off so far. But more and more people are becoming active. The November 4 demonstration in Berlin was a new highpoint. The rulers thus face a grave decision.
They have already reorganized themselves. On October 18 the venerable 77year-old General Secretary Erich Honecker and two other Politburo members (Mittag and Hermann, responsible for economic problems were removed for "reasons of health", to be followed soon after by the president of the trade unions and the culture minister. They will not be the last to go.
Krenz responsible for general repression
Egon Krenz became leader. He had previously been the Politburo member in charge of defence and security with special responsibility for general repression. His appointment is thus hardly a clear signal that reforms are on the way.
In his inaugural speech he avoided any clear statement. It sounded like mockery when he said that the SED had already "placed itself at the head of the movement for a qualitative social change." The demonstrators see Krenz as the personification of the hated system, and he has been openly attacked. There are, however, forces in the SED fighting for a German perestroika. The regional secretary of Dresden, Modrow has explicitly
"stagnation is a growing danger to what has been The situation requires a decision. The SED Central Committee is meeting on November 8. Apparently concrete reforms are promised. Whether they really happen, and how far-reaching they are, depends not on the SED but on the strength and combativity of the
The 1919 programme of the Bolsheviks stated that the bourgeois state only guarantees political rights in a formal sense. The workers are not able to make real use of dependency and the way the system works prevent them. Only socialist democracy could make these rights real. The fact is, however, that the workers in the DDR would see even a formal guarantee of bourgeois rights as a step forward. So far their demands have been restricted to this, the ending of the SED's monopoly of political power and the release of political prisoners. All the demonstrations have been peaceful. There has been no pretext for massive repression.
For the first time, the movement has affected the factories.
Independent trade union founded in Berlin
There have been small and short-lived strikes and in one Berlin plant an independent trade union "Reform" has been founded. It has called for democratic rights, economic reforms along Soviet lines, an end to privileges, workers' participation and the right to strike. For the time being it is more of an idea than a reality; only some hundreds of employees have so far adhered to it. Nonetheless, it has set an example.
The mobilizations have created a political space for the establishment of opposition groups. The "New Forum", that raises general democratic demands and demands a dialogue with the authorities, is the most important formation. Formally it had already gained more than 100,000 signatures by the end of October and thus 100 original as orists are ere seamed. 5 100 original activists were overwhelmed,
Four victims of British frame-ups released,
International Viewpoint #173 • November 13, 1989
EAST GERMANY / IRELAND especially since they lack all the basic means such as printing equipment. Even so, councils of representatives have been set up centrally and regionally in every district. Shortly a daily paper is to appear. This would break the party's media monopoly. The"New Forum" is a composite movement without a programme. Bärbel but others remain in
Bohley, one of its leaders, has explicitly claimed this as an advantage. It calls for dialogue with the authorities and hopes for a non-violent, if not more or less conflict-free reform. In this it expresses the hopes of the great majority.
But other groups have emerged from the shadows. The "Democratic Break-
"JUST consider the course of events if this action Is allowed through" has a socialist orientation and to proceed to trial.....f the six men win, it will mean the police claimed 6,000 members at its meeting on
October 29, when some 200 were guilty of perjury, that they were guilty of violence and delegates elected a coordinating committee with threats, that the confessions were involuntary and were
Wolfgang Schnur as its president. The
Improperly admitted in evidence and that the convictions were
Social Democratic Party and the locally erroneous.... This is such an appalling vista that every organized "Democracy Now", which also has a socialist orientation, have some sensible person in the land would say: It cannot be right that
1,000 members each. The "United Left"
these actions should go any further" — Lord Denning, Master may have a similar number of members.
The latter is the most radical grouping of the Rolls, upholding the appeal of the West Midlands police with the clearest programme [the Bohlen against a civil action taken by the Birmingham 6 in 1980.
Appeal— see /V 172] It will become public at the end of November. So far it has maintained its largely conspiratorial structure.
The next task for these groups is to find a way of organizing their massive potential support and to build a structure at every level. This would break the SED's political monopoly. It would also ensure that, in the event of the wave of demonstrations dying down, a force would continue to exist that could not be simply smashed.
West German left unable to meet challenge
The events have taken the West German socialist left — along with everybody else
- completely by surprise. In itself that is not a problem. But if these demonstrations had taken place in Paris or Rio they would have been greeted with enthusiastic solidarity. On this occasion, the left has been struck dumb. The BWK (League of West German Communists) openly sided with the East German bureaucracy.
This may put an end to the planned fusion with the VSP (United Socialist Party).
All the socialist organizations are now paying the price for their failure to take a clear position on the societies of "actually-existing socialism". Certainly they have criticized some particular aspects of these societies or even the system. But as soon as real opposition develops there, the socialist left suspects capitalist influences and, in the best of cases, adopts a neutral position. In doing this it throws of making its the possibility away
6 pos. tons credible in the eyes of the workers. *
T HE Guildford Four were framed;
so were the Birmingham Six; so were the Winchester Three; so was Judith Ward; so was Gilbert MacNamee. There are up to 20 innocent people who have been convicted in Britain in trials with "Irish/terrorist" connec tions since the early 1970s [see box].
The scandal was becoming so glaring that something had to be done. But as Lord Denning said so brutally - and accurately - to admit the frame-up would risk destroying the power and credibility of the British state. Why then did the releases happen now? Why are there so many similar frame-up cases?
Paul Hill, one of the Four, dismisses the state's explanation. The state knew "from that the Four were innocent. That was the whole idea: jailing innocent people is an extremely effective way of terrorizing others. The message was: Irish = suspect. It didn't matter if you were not involved.
Once people see the cloak of state terror coming apart at the seams, then everything changes. The stakes in this and related cases are very high. They strike at the heart of the British state apparatus. Consider some of the cast in this frame-up alone (other "stars" appear later in similar show trials).
• Lord Donaldson, in 1974 the High Court Trial Judge. Now Lord, Master of the Rolls, Britain's senior judicial offi-
• Lord Roskill, who heard the appeal in 1977. Now Baron, a Lord Justice of
JOHN MEEHAN Appeal in Britain's highest court, the • Lord Havers, who was the Prosecution Counsel. Thatcher's Attorney-General 1979-1987, created a 'Life Peer' for his "services" to the government. • Peter Imbert, headed the police who surrounded an IRA unit in Balcombe Street, London in 1975. Imbert was present when this IRA unit claimed responsibility for the Guildford and Woolwich pub bombings, giving detailed forensic information that could only have been known to the real bombers. Imbert pressed no charges. He is now Britain's topranking police officer, Commissioner of the Metropolitan Police in London.
Are any of these illustrious people to be investigated? No — an "enquiry" headed by a retired judge, John May, has been set up, and five junior-rank Surrey police (one dead, one retired five years ago) are being scapegoated. This approach designed to limit the damage already suffered by the police. There is a widespread
... The sce innocent
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jail
State frame-ups — the victims
• The Gulldford Four: Paul Hill, Gerard Conion, Carole Richardson and Paddy Armstrong were convicted, solely on the basis of uncorroborated confessions, of planting bombs in two pube In Gulldford, Surrey in 1974 The confessions followed daye of threats, beatings and - In the case of 17 year old Carole Richardson - the administration of drugs. They contained more than 150 Inaccuracles and contradictions. • The Maguire Seven: convicted on the basis of Gerard ConIon's confession. They Included Gluseppe Conion, Gerard's father. Although the last of the Seven was released in 1985, thier convictions have not been overturned and they remain uncompensated. suspicion that one, at least, of the police officers who possessed evidence of the original frame-up was prepared to speak out in favour of the Guildford Four. What better way to prevent any further leakage, and protect the corrupt core, than to ruthlessly pursue those breaking the frame? Anyone familiar with Mafia treatment of former colleagues knows the logic and the
But the prospects for the State are bleak The old terror tactics now provoke anger and outrage in Ireland. In 1988 the change in the popular mood in the formally independent 26 County Southern state forced the Dublin government's hand in the celebrated "Father Paddy Ryan" affair. (See IV 168 on Ryan's campaign in the EEC elections; a campaign for Ryan's extradition to Britain, on the vaguest charges of "terrorist crimes", was personally led by Thatcher. The Irish judiciary has now decided that there is insufficient evidence to warrant his prosecution). A contributory cause of this change was the rejection of the Birmingham Six appeal early in 1988. This in turn tended to make people suspicious of the Winchester Three frame-up. The Three had been arrested in the neighbourhood of King's massive estate, and charged with 'conspiracy'. There was no explosion, no ambush, no weapon, no event at all.
An odious feature of this show-trial was the behaviour of the then Northern Ireland Secretary-of-State, Tom King. The Three refused to make any statement while in police custody — a wise approach considering previous experience. They exercised their right to silence during their trial. It should be remembered that they were forced to spend more than a year in very
• The Birmingham Six: serving life sentences for the Birmingham pub bombinge of 1974. Convicted on the basis of confessions which had been beaten out of them and forensic 'evidence' since wholly discredited. Their appeal againet their convictions was turned down in January 1988 • The Winchester Three: sentenced to 25 years for con spiracy (see article). • Judith Ward: serving 30 years for allegedly bombing an army coach. • Gilbert MacNamee: convicted in 1987 on extremely dubious lingerprint 'evidence conspiracy to cause explosione. oppressive prison conditions. Such psychological torture is designed to curtail defendants' ability to conduct themselves well in court. King called a sudden news conference towards the end of the trial to announce that the "right to silence" was to be abolished in the North of Ireland. He said that anyone who exercised it was automatically suspect. A more blatant interference in the course of the trial could not be imagined. The Three — Martina Shenahan, Finbar Cullen, and John McCann - have appealed against 25 year sentences and await a date. This case is another time bomb under "British Justice"; instead of framing people on charges based on real events, the state has shifted the goalposts and alleges a "conspiracy". This avoids the need for physi-
The released victims of the Guildford Four frame-up have no intention of keeping quiet. Why should they? Paul Hill spent an incredible 5 of his 15 years in jail in solitary confinement. He speaks with remarkable eloquence of his ordeal. No other British prisoner throughout the British prison system has spent so long in solitary. Hill was never given any explanation: "It's Stalinism. You could be taken on the word of absolutely anyone. They don't have to justify their reasons. For the last eight years I refused to work. I was a hostage and I wasn't going to work for my
Gerard Conlon, the first of the Four to meet the public after the
IRELAND verdict was announced, immediately called for the release of the Birmingham Six. His horror story concerns the death of his father Giuseppe. In a case directly connected with the Guildford Four, the Maguire Seven were also framed. One of them was Giuseppe, who died in prison in 1980. This is how his son Gerard remembers it: "He pulled the (oxygen) mask off and said he was going to die. He said not to worry, he had to die to clear my name. He told me to put my hands in my pockets when he died and not go off my head and attack prison officers who had treated him badly. I promised him. It was a very, very hard thing to do."
Conlon burns with indignation over British ruling class hypocrisy. people should not be in prison....Britain does not have the right to speak on human rights. I'm going to dedicate as much time as possible to getting the Birmingham Six out of prison and to getting the Maguires' name cleared...I last saw Paddy Hill (of the Birmingham Six) at 11 a.m. on Tuesday morning when he was helping me push a cart with all my legal papers. I said "I don't know what is happening but if we get out I'll keep every promise I made to
The British Home Office [Interior Ministry] declared immediately after Guildford Four were released that there would be no move on the Birmingham Six. It is a grotesque stance. Now that one frame up has collapsed, people have the Guildford 4, British Justice 0. The next score will be Birmingham 6, British Justice 0. And then Winchester 3, British Justice 0. Just as in the sporting world, Britannia no longer rules the waves or
Gerry Conlon, Paul Hill and the Irish people have all seen a light at the end of a very dark tunnel. A particularly evil chapter in the annals of British ruling class crime in Ireland is coming to an end. *