Zimbabwe — «role model" or "complete
International Viewpoint #77 • January 29, 1990
CZECHOSLOVAKIA / ZIMBABWE more interesting. It has restored itself now, or is in the process of doing so. It refers to much more left-wing positions than the Socialist Party. The opposite of the West! • You have spoken of the relatively open attitude of Civic Forum towards the Democratic Forum in the CP. What do you make of this? A tendency towards compromise or a distinction between bureaucrats and Stalinists on the one hand and CP
1990 WILL be a crucial year for Zimbabwe. The year marking members considered to be honest a decade of independence will bring to an end the provisions on the other?
I am not certain. The spirit of comproof the Lancaster House Constitution folsted on the two major mise is strongest in Prague; elsewhere parties (Zanu, led by Robert Mugabe and Zapu, led by Joshua there is another problem. There are very
Nkomo) by Britain at the end of the war of liberation.
few people qualified to take positions of
1990 will also usher in a new era as Zanu and Zapu will go responsibility. Party members thus step forward. There is friction and the more into the forthcoming general elections (scheduled to take anti-Communist people say that those who place in March/April) as the new united Zanu party, after a two were in the CP do not have the right to be year integration process that is almost complete.
in the leading group of CF...Such opinions are not found in Prague.
In addition, the region as a whole is set for a momentous period as Namibia struggles to settle down to independence,
• How do you see your activity now?
as Angola and Mozambique battle to implement fragile peace
You are both a CF militant and a supporter of the "Left Alternative". Does plans with the help of their neighbours in the frontline states, this not present problems?
and as South Africa faces mounting tensions over the future
There is no contradiction for me. Other currents are also represented in the Forum.
Yet notwithstanding the importance of Zanu/Zapu unity, 1989
And, when they are — unlike us — big, they do not want to be there as individuals revealed some of the social tensions engendered by a but as a current. This could present a probstrategy which proclaims socialism, uses the tools of lem because we do not want the CF to bourgeois economics and carries the mantle of national become another National Front.2 In fact, I do not have much time to devote to the
"Alternative". It is rather my comrades that do this. I hope that in a few weeks when things are less chaotic in the CF — and also in our press agency on East
Europe, the VIA, I could then get more involved. That would allow us to participate in the election campaign. The idea would be to put our ideas forward to the greatest possible number of people in order to have a bit of influence on the political, and above all economic development. It is important that there is a force that can point out the dangers inherent in pro-capitalist ideas — although this characterization appears over-simplified to me.
Of course the pro-capitalist current cannot go too far at the moment. They have to respect a certain idea of social justice, of workers' rights and so on. Our role will be to keep an eye on the maintenance of this respect, in the sense of defending everything that tends in the direction of the self- management of the producers. *
1. T. G. Masaryk was the first president (1918-1935)
of the independent Czechoslovak state, in whose creation he played a fundamental role. After his death he was succeeded by his long-term collaborator Dr. E.
Benes.
2. The National Front, through which the Communist
14 number of sarile paid and organis, tan included a number of satellite parties and organizations.
IRSTLY, the simmering issue of corruption in the leadership of • Zanu was brought to the boil in a dramatic series of exposures, dubbed "Willowgate". Secondly, strikes, demonstrations and poor showings at by-elections all indicate that ordinary workers, students and peasant farmers are not prepared to go on paying the price of low living standards just so that the "World Bank is impressed with Zimbabwe's achievements" Thirdly, continuing detentions and harassment of those who openly criticize have again brought into question the extent to which Zimbabweans enjoy real freedom of expression and assembly.
Climate of fear begins to evaporate
The rural and student demonstrations of 1988 (see IV 154) brought in their wake the sudden evaporation of the "climate of fear" that had been the norm previously. Despite the repression, the outspokenness of the students and the brazen defiance of the people of Gutu provided a catalyst for people's anger. Suddenly everyone was complaining about the wrong-doings of of apartheid. liberation. SOPHIE HAWES those in power as well as rising prices, the enormous expense of building the new sports stadium, conference centre and party headquarters, the appalling state of housing and public transport and the lack of progress on land reform. Pandora's Box of criticism is opened
Previously, criticisms were made more obliquely, such as by non-attendance at rallies, or half-hearted responses to the usual answering of slogans at party gatherings. Now the Pandora's box was open, and the complaints voiced in the buses and in the shops, at football games and in the beerhalls had become a deafening roar.
To a large extent, the issue revolved around the "Leadership Code" which had been brought to the fore by the rank and file at the second Zanu Congress in 1984. The Code suggested that party leaders should not own businesses, more than 50 acres of land nor more than one house. They should not receive more than one salary, nor serve as directors in profit-making enterprises.
In a party which is strong on socialist
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turmoil"?
What they say about
Zimbabwe The World Bank: "Zimbabwe is the key to this part of Africa....lt (has a) higher level of development and of organization than most other countries of the area,
MIDLANDS
Chegut
Kadoma
ZIM B
ZIMBABWE preof
MASHONALAN!
and on
Harare
•W E
A B and...seems poised for a potential economic take-off. It could be a role model to Africa generally."2
The Government: (on announcinvestment guidelines) "Zimbabwe's new economic thrust....(is based on)....a greater recognition of the role of market forces. Nothing is static, but the direction towards socialism is clear. There
Kwekw
MATABELELAND
NORTH
MATABELELAND
BOTSWANA
SUUM
MANICALAN
MASVINGO nal prosecution.
Six of the fifteen were sen-
MOZAMBIQUE ior members of
SOUTH AFRICA is no inherent contradiction between socialism and market
The Workers: "The government must be strongly advised that its attempts to suppress the growing disenchantment of the masses over the rising cost of living, transport problems, unemployment, destitution and many other negative socio-economic developments, will certainly plunge the whole society into complete turmoil sooner rather than later."4
The Students: (The fact)...."that one fought for this country, does not justify them to loot, plunder and wreck the economy of Zimbabwe....let alone stifle people's democratic rights. "5 rhetoric, but painfully weak on any real policy promoting socialist transformation, the Leadership Code has symbolised for many the anti-capitalist and the socialist direction that the party should take. But leaders have time and time again made excuses. Maurice Nyagumbo — a future Willowgate luminary party was finding it difficult to implement the code because "the leaders have become bourgeois". Another Willowgate notable, Enos Nkala, stressed that "the debate was full-blast in the party as not everyone was a pro-socialist. Mugabe himself declared that leaders had two options: "to quit their posts or to relinquish their property", but in effect, nothing was done.
In fact, it is rather well-known that many party leaders own various properties, large farms, ranches, hotels or have a range of business interests — often in the names of extended family members. But since the Leadership Code is not law, these dealings are not necessarily illegal. And while some well-known leaders have been suspected of corruption, there was no proof, until Geoff Nyarota, editor of the Bulawayo-based (and government controlled) The Chronicle decided to investigate a chance lead.
Over a period of weeks, Nyarota and his small team looked into the business dealings of various party leaders in Bulawayo, reporting their investigations on a daily basis in The Chronicle. On more than one occasion they were physically assaulted, threatened and verbally abused, which fuelled public interest. Gradually, it became clear that some very prominent people were involved in a racket selling prestige motor vehicles — which they had obtained at government controlled prices from government suppliers, Willowvale Motor Industries — at grossly inflated prices to a range of business associates. Inevitably, the scandal was dubbed "wil. lowgate".
Corruption issue can no longer be ignored
The effect of the exposure of Willowgate was electrifying. The Chronicle became the most sort after commodity in the country, with long queues forming at sales points on a daily basis. Clearly the issue of corruption at the top level of the party could no longer be ignored. Mugabe an immediate Commission of Inquiry under Justice Wilson Sandura to publicly investigate the whole matter.
Those who could not account for the whereabouts of their vehicles supplied by Willowvale were brought before a public hearing and questioned under oath about their financial and personal affairs. For a spell, the Zimbabwean public enjoyed the rare treat of seeing once revered (and feared) figures squirming and sweating in public as they tried to lie or bluff their way out of trouble. The Commission report suggested that, on the the government. (See Box) The six also held various senior posts in Zanu, either at the highest level of the Politburo or on the Central
Committee (except Mudenda who was a provincial leader), with Nyabumbo being the party's national secretary for administration and Nkala the party's secretary for finance.
Shava was subsequently fined a total of Z$150,000 (about US$75,000) for selling cars above the controlled price. He was also convicted for perjury committed during the Sandura Commission hearings and sentenced to nine months imprisonment, but before he could begin his sentence, he received a presidential pardon. Subsequently, none of his other Willowgate colleagues have been brought to court for perjury, though it is likely that they will all be fined for breaking price control reg-
But if Willowgate represented the most serious crisis faced by Zanu since Independence, Mugabe managed to come out unscathed. His reputation in ruling class circles as an "outstanding pragmatist" was even enhanced by the events. He had shown that he was prepared to allow public criticism of some of his closest col and even actively encouraged their resignations in recognition that this was the necessary price for quietening down the growing questioning of party 1. Prize magazine: E. Nkala, an exclusive interview by Saul Ndlovu, December 1985. 2. Excerpt from press conference given by Mr. B. Conable, President of the World Bank during a recent visit to Zimbabwe, The Herald 23/11/89 3. Dr. Bemard Chidzero, Senior Minister of Finance, Economic Planning and Development, The Herald, 9/ 5/89. 4. From a press statement of 3/10/89 of the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions on the closure of the University of Zimbabwe. 5. From a leaflet: "In defence of academic freedom" Éeried by of mbabwe, zoBp,ative Council of the 15 University of Zimbabwe, 2710/89.
The "WillowvaleSix"
THE six main political figures were: Maurice Nyagumbo, Senior Minister of Poiltical Affairs (who had spent 20 years of his life in prison under lan
Smith and who subsequently committed suicide by drinking a lethal pes ticide); Callistus Ndlovu, Minister of Industry and Technology (who was
International Viewpoint #77 • January 29, 1990
ZIMBABWE the role of large-scale commercial agriculture was down-played, in an attempt to encourage investments in the communal and resettlement areas, which account for approximately 70% of the total population. There would be a new wage policy, technically in charge of Willowvale and who had been widely suspected
Defence, (the "Butcher of Matabeleland", widely hated and despised for
Frederick Shava, Minister of State for Political Affairs (who, as Minister seen as responsible for the anti-worker Labour Relations Act): Dzingal
Mutumbuka, Minister of Higher Education (who was responsible for the harsh treatment meted out to students during the 1988 demonstrations);
and Senator Jacob Mudenda, Governor of Matabeleland North, who had acted like a feudal lord in Matabeleland for many years. All were forced to resign their positions. The Deputy Minister of Youth, Sport, and Cuiture,
Charles Ndhlovu also resigned after being convicted and sentenced for
Politically, the Commission of Inquiry public attention successfully diverted away from the much more basic issue of the massive accumulation of property and wealth by many of the party elite. The underlying issue of the incorporation of the party into a bureaucratic layer which wholeheartedly defends the interests of capital - as more and more of its members become capitalists themselves was quietly pushed into the background.
MP calls for glasnost in
Zimbabwe
The fall-out from Willowgate was also instructive. Geoff Nyarota, editor of The
Chronicle, was "booted upstairs" into the post of public relations officer in Harare.
His deputy, Davison Maruziva, was brought to heel by being made deputy editor of The Herald in Harare. Byron Hove
MP, who, although a government supporter, has often been an outspoken backbencher quoted Mikhail Gorbachev in the parliamentary debate on Nyarota's "promotion": "Criticism is a bitter medicine, but the ills that plague society make it a necessity. Those who think that criticism need only be dosed out at intervals are wrong. People who are inclined to believe that stagnation has been fully overcome and it is time to take it easy are just as wrong. A slackening inevitably harm glasnost and perestroi-
But if Willowgate provided the sweet taste of glasnost, then the bitter medicine of perestroika was not far behind. In May,
Mugabe launched the government's own structural adjustment policy to accompany the new investment guidelines.
The Senior Minister of Finance, Economic Planning and Development, Dr.
Bernard Chidzero - who also chairs the
World Bank Development Committee said the government had, after reviewing
Zimbabwe's stop-start growth since Inde-
16 tempicyment, "gone wire a long way in unemployment, "gone quite a long way in recognizing at the highest possible level that Zimbabwe needs more oriented policies, less government intervention, and deregulation."
At the same time, he was quick to scotch any ideas that this was a negation of Zanu's socialist principles, stressing that Government remained "dedicated to the transformation of the social system so that the poorest can be included." In true style he espoused the principles of "rapid growth, full employment, price resource allocation and the equitable distribution of benefits."
Attempts to attract foreign investment
Basically the investment guidelines were designed to offer attractive incentives to potential investors, (particularly foreign) in the form of tax concessions, export incentives, the lifting of price controls, an incomes policy, as well as the easing of exchange control regulations. The existing policy that "new" investors 1979... that is, as the war was drawing to a close) could continue to remit 50% of the net after-tax profits arising from their investment, while "old" investors (pre1979) could continue to remit 25% of was reiterated. Very favoured investments might be allowed to remit 100% of after-tax profits for a short period of time.
The guidelines stressed that priority would be given to the establishment of new intermediate and capital industries, consumer goods industries, as those which concentrated on viable export-oriented production. In particular, in an attempt to promote growth in the rural areas, the guidelines stressed that proposed investments in areas outside the major urban centres would be looked on very favourably. Mining and manufacturing was stressed, but deference to the sensitive "land issue" — the gradual lifting of price controls, and a trade liberalization programme. The whole package was followed up by Zimbabwe's signing of the Multilateral Guarantee Agency (MIGA).
The reaction of the owners of capital was cautiously optimistic. The CZI (Confederation of Zimbabwean Industries) especially welcomed the lifting of price controls, while at the same time suggesting that more needed to be done to make finance available to help small enterprises, especially in the form of deregulating interest rates. Steep price rises hit workers and poor farmers
But it was when the first of a series of price increases was announced that the implications of the new economic policy became clear to workers and consumers. In June, the price of Roller Meal — maize meal flour, the staple food — increased by a massive 32%, bread by 21% and cooking oil and margarine by 10%. These were followed later by price increases in milk, meat and rice. Mugabe tried to present the price increases as tools "to enable workers to know what demands to make when bargaining with employers." But even if anybody believed him, the public outcry was still widespread.
This was followed by the effective ending of the price freeze - in force since 1987 — and the introduction of new price control regulations, freeing prices on all but the most essential or strategic goods.
Almost immediately, prices began to increase, quickly hitting the pockets of workers as well as the mass of rural dwell-
The wage policy was unveiled in July.
This proposed "free collective bargainthose industries governed by Industrial Councils, at the same time recommending that pay increases should be between 5 and 16 percent. This excludes labourers on large scale farms and plantations, domestic workers and those compawhich the Minister would make special
Even before the price increases began to bite, it was estimated® that the Zimbabwe dollar has declined by 65% since 1980 and that in order to keep pace with inflation, pay increases needed to be around
15% per year. As it is, the effect of continminimum wage regulations - which came into force soon after Independence — has been that wages have been
6. Zimbabwe Parliamentary Debates, 15/2/89.
7. The Herald, 9/5/89.
January 29, 1990 • #177 International Viewpoint steadily eroded with most observers concluding that wage levels now are at abour 1975 levels.
Wave of strikes show discontent
In fact, ongoing strikes testify to the difficulties people have in making ends meet. In June, junior hospital doctors — that is, those in the low-paid public sector went on strike over pay and conditions. In August, it was the turn of railway artisans, enginemen and shunters who undertook a of strikes for 15-20% increases. While later in the same month telecommunications workers struck for more pay. The government responded by mass dismissals and the drawing up of new emergency powers regulations for industrial disputes. The new rules stipulated that anyone in an essential service who strikes or encourages others to do so can be fined Z$2,000 (about Z$1,000 — just under a year's average industrial wage), two years in jail or both.
Essential services include hospital, transport, electricity and water, sewerage and sanitation, coal mining, communications and any service relating to the production, supply, delivery or distribution of food, fuel and coal. Given the structure of the Zimbabwean economy, which is based on agriculture (15% of GDP); a manufacing); transport services to these two, not to mention coal-mining, oil transportation and electricity generation, the number of workers affected is vast. Clearly, "free collective bargaining" backed up by industrial action has its limits!
Violent protest against rent increases
In addition to industrial actions, there have also been many important social struggles. One of the most spectacular occurred in Kariba, Zimbabwe's premier holiday resort, when working class residents took to the streets armed with sticks and stones over council rent increases of over 100%. They marched to the council offices where they locked in the officials for several hours, and systematically broke all the windows until they were dispersed by police with batons and tear-
But perhaps the clearest indication of Zanu's continuing bourgeois solutions to its social and economic problems is in the way it acts regularly and consistently against even the mildest criticism expressions democracy in practice. Its two main weapons in this are the muzzling of the Government-owned media and the con-
ZIMBABWE tinuing use of the Emergency Powers regulations which date from the early days of UDI [the Unilateral Declaration of Independence by the white racist Smith regime in 1965]. While government justifies the maintenance of the state of emergency in terms of the very real threats and attacks by South Africa and Renamo bandits, the regulations, which permit detention without trial, have been used regularly against mere critics who have simply dared to open their mouths in public.1°
Independent political party draws support
In a previous article, it was mentioned that ex-guerilla commander and outspoken critic of Zanu, Edgar Tekere MP had been expelled from the party (see IV 154). He has now set up the Zimbabwe Unity Movement (ZUM) based in his home area, the eastern province of Manicaland. Politically, ZUM is not substantial, having no public programme or even any well-known leaders besides Tekere himself. However, Tekere's great political skill is in articulating the feelings and criticisms made by the povo". For this, Zanu has consistently prevented ZUM from holding rallies and meetings or printing leaflets, and has detained and harassed
Despite this, ZUM polled a reasonable 28% of the votes in the Dzivaresekwa (a township in Harare) by-election in July, although this percentage was considerably reduced in the later rural by-elections
Cars in developing countries IN ORDER to understand why "Willowgate" became such a cause célebre it is necessary to recall some pertinent economic facts of life in a developing country. Zimbabwe does not manufacture its own vehicles. Instead, KD (knock-down) kits are imported from a few major manufacturers and assembled locally by car assembly and supply plants like Willowvale. Government has imposed (or maintained) price control regulations on a wide range of goods, including both new and second hand vehicles. It is illegal to sell a car above the controlled price. This has led to a growing scarcity of cars unless one imports one from Botswana or South Africa. Obviously this is a non-option for the vast majority since it requires a reasonable quantity of (restricted) foreign exchange, as well as local currency to pay a 65% export duty. access to the few new cars assembled by Willowvale to Ministers and other senior government officials. In effect, they would pay controlled prices for brand new, high class motorcars on condition that they were for personal use (one per person) and would not be sold.
Inevitably, a thriving black market has developed. New cars in particular can fetch prices three or four times their controlled price. For example, the controlled price of a new Toyota Cressida is Z$29,000 [US$14,500], yet they were sold for case Z$105,000 [US$52,500] as revealed during the Sandura hearings. The main market, especially for the new "prestige" cars is private busiwho need them for their executives as a "tax-avoiding" sala-
In the light of the above, as well as the fact that average monthly industrial wages are roughly Z$200 [US$100], it is easy to see why ordinary workers and peasants were incensed by the profiteering of their party bosses. Clearly, the image of Zanu as a monolithic and heroic fighter for justice against oppression, and as a body comprising the most principled and upstanding sons and daughters of Africa was crumbling. * brought about by the resignations following Willowgate. But despite winning all the seats, Zanu and Zapu were also rudely shocked by the generally low turnouts (around 30%) at the polls.
Democracy was also not very much in evidence at the Youth and Women's Congresses called to unite the respective units of the old Zapu and Zanu parties. The role of both the Women's and Youth Leagues is perhaps best illustrated by the fact that only Mugabe's speeches at these events are reported. While provincial meetings had drawn up their own lists of nominations for national posts in both cases, it was the "Presidency" - consisting of Mugabe, Simon Muzenda, the vice-President and Joshua Nkomo - which made the final selection of candidates on behalf of both the women and the youth. In the case of the Women's Congress, this led to a near riot, as the mass of women 8. Figures compiled by RAL Merchant Bank, reported in Financial Gazette, 5/5/89. 9. Reported in the popular magazine, Parade, January 1989. 10. An important report listing human rights violations and the abuse of the Emergency Powers regulations since Independence from a group sympathetic to the govemment, is "Zimbabwe, a Break with the Past?" by Richard Carver, An African Watch Report, October 1989. 11. Povo means the people or the masses. It derives fere Pored use, fom ine days when the Zanu forces 17 were based on Mozambique.
International Viewpoint #77 • January 29, 1990
ZIMBABWE simply refused to except the "Presidency's" choice of two candidates, Abigail Vera and Ivy Gwaradzimba.
There was also widespread unhappiness at the selection of Sally Mugabe as the Secretary for Women's Affairs, but this was coupled with a sense of resignation that one can hardly tell the President that his wife is widely unpopular and suspected of corruption on a grand scale.
ZANU women reject official candidates
The case of Abigail Vera, though, was different. The women said that the only reason she had been selected was that she is a close friend of Sally Mugabe, but had no popular base and was an unknown in the Women's League. Similar criticisms were made about Ivy Gwaradzimba. The women spectacularly rejected these two by shouting, jeering, singing and dancing for several hours before the "Presidency" was called in to restore order. This they did, but not before the two women had been replaced by two others selected from the floor of the Congress.
But it was the second round of student demonstrations almost one year after the first, which served to underline the government's intolerance of freedom of expression, especially of views different to their own. The students again pointed to major social and economic issues which are not being addressed by government (Box 1). The response was a 200 strong battallion of riot police which descended on the University campus armed with automatic weapons, teargas, rubber batons and live ammunition. A bloody four-hour riot ensued during which students taunted police shouting "Soweto, Soweto" and "ZUM, ZUM, ZUM" and the president of the Students Representative Council, Arthur Mutambara was detained together with his whole executive, and the University was closed after hurried consultations between the widely disliked vice-Chancellor, Professor Walter Kamba, and the Chancellor of the University, President Mugabe. the detention of 40 students and 11 members of ZUM - was widely condemned. The Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU), however, had the temerity to put its criticisms into a leaflet which is worth quoting at length: "....the Police are big culprits in this whole saga....The enthusiasm and zeal with which (they) have dealt with the students....is hardly demonstrated in other worthy situations, for instance, in 1985 when some politically motivated thugs stoned innocent people's homes, destroying property and even 18 pricine, evicting them during the election cam-
It went on: "the recent University incident....is a clear manifestation of rising state repression which has already been felt by various sections of society. Women...have been harassed and accused of being prostitutes: the informal sector such as emergency taxis and vendors have been harassed often....lecturers, workers trade unionists have recently arrested and detained without trial....
### Unions denounce government hypocrisy
"We view the emergency powers legislation, which...was passed by the notorious racist Smith regime to proteçt himself against the masses of Zimbabwe, as a most inappropriate instrument in a democratic society. We wish to remind the govemment that it is on record heavily denouncing a similar piece of legislation currently harassing and tormenting the government must be strongly advised that its attempts to suppress the growing disenchantment of the masses over the rising cost of living, transport problems, unemployment, destitution and other negative socio-economic developments, will certainly plunge the whole society into complete turmoil sooner rather than later."
The leaflet was signed by the General Secretary of the ZCTU, Morgan Tsvangirai, who was subsequently detained under the State of Emergency regulations, accused of being a South African spy (a ridiculous charge) and then released, without charge or compensation, some six weeks later. Ironically, at the same time several leading COSATU (Confederation of South African Trade Unions) trade unionists were in Harare attending an international conference for public sector workers. They protested the illegal detention of the General Secretary of the ZCTU as did many other trade union bodies.
In the period leading up to the elections in 1990 the party seems to be intent on undermining the organizational and political support of its mass base among the workers and peasants, not to mention stu-
At the same time it must be recognized that the ruling party has to tread a tortuous path through the minefield African politics, where Zimbabwe is at the front of the Frontline.
The Zimbabwean army is heavily, and expensively, deployed in Mozambique to protect Zimbabwean trade — including oil supplies — to its nearest port, Beira, as well as assist the Mozambicans to resist the incredibly brutal and destructive Renamo bandits, backed by South Africa. Banborders are continuing and are now affect-
And while the Mugabe government continues to promote sanctions against South
Africa, the regional economic facts of life are that Zimbabwe is still economically dependent on South Africa which remains the country's main trading partner - although Britain, West Germany and the USA are catching up.
### Zimbabwe in frontline against South Africa Recent trials of South African paid spies in Zimbabwe testify to the existence of networks of disaffected whites - and some blacks - who still have the potential to destabilize the country militarily and economically. The volatility of the Namibian situation — not to mention Angola and even Zambia which is experiencing a wave of strikes and "food riots" — does not make for quick and easy formulae to solve Zimbabwe's problems, or easy lessons to be learnt by those engaged in the ongoing struggle in South
Despite the unification of Zanu and Zapu, it remains to be seen whether socialist rhetoric plus the aura of national liberation will be enough to rally the mass of workers and peasants behind an economic programme which is clearly against their real material interests. In the absence of independent organizations which can defend working class and peasant interests, and resist the ongoing suppression of democratic rights, it seems that the scenario for the foreseeable future is one of deepening social divisions marked by skirmishes and struggles of varying intensity. It will be interesting to see, as the situation in South Africa unfolds, what the possibility for class alliances across international boundaries can be. * 12. This refers to many incidents during the 1985 elections where members of Zanu Women's League and Youth League organized themselves into gangs to intimidate Zapu supporters by stoning and setting fire to their houses, wrecking their furniture and evicting