Brazilian PT outlines vision of
International Viewpoint #194 • November 12, 1990
BRAZIL
T HE PT WAS BORN with pro-
foundly democratic objectives. For the PT, democracy has a strategic meaning. It is both a means transformation and an objective. We have learned from our own experience that the bourgeoisie has no historical commitment to democracy. It uses it in a strictly tactical, pragmatic way. Primarily, it is the working people and the poor masses that have a stake in democracy. Today, they need it to widen their social and political gains. Tomorrow, they will need it to go beyond the unjust and alienating society in which we live. In the future, it will be necessary to establish a qualitatively superior democracy, so that the social majority can really govern the socialist society that we
In its internal organization also the PT democracy. Its leadership and its ranks seck to make the party a free society, in which all participate, as the precondition for creating the larger free society that they want to install in Brazil.
Rejecting the monolithism and hierarchical structure of the traditional parties - and of many left organizations as well — the PT strives to put internal democracy into practice. This is a precondition for guaranteeing its democratic attitude in social life and in its exercise of political power.
PT respects autonomy of mass movements
Having come out of the mass movements and trade unions, the PT maintains close links with them, takes its inspiration from them, and secks to offer them political leadership. The PT in no way wishes to stifle the autonomy of these movements and still less to have clientelist relations with them or use them as transmission
Ideological and cultural pluralism are characteristic of the PT. We are the product of a synthesis of different currents devoted to frcedom, united in their diversity - social Christians, various sorts of Marxists, socialists who do not claim to be Marxists, radical democrats, secular democrats and so on. But the party program is not the prerogative of any of these currents. The PT has no "official" philosophy. Different positions coexist within it in a dialectical relationship, which does not predetermine the dynamic syntheses that may emerge in the elaboration of con24 crete policies. What unites these various ' political cultures of freedom is the comsocialism
THE NEED for a fight for socialist democracy East and West was discussed at the recent national meeting of the Brazilian Workers'
Party. This is the theme of the following document, which has been abridged only slightly for space reasons.
DOCUMENT mon project of creating a new society favorable to ending exploitation and
Our commitment to democracy makes us anti-capitalist militants. This choice has profoundly marked our struggle for democracy. The discovery (which for many of us was empirical before it became theoretical) of the structural percapitalism has been a very strong stimulus for most PT activists to organize in a political party. We have represented, and continue to represent, an angry response to the pointless suffering of millions of people that flows from the logic of capitalist barbarism.
Our concrete historic experience - the other side of the coin of the "Brazilian miracle," and many other tragic circumstances here and in other countries have taught us that capitalism, whatever its material power, is unjust by nature, that it marginalizes millions of people and blocks a fraternal division of social wealth, which is a mainspring for any real democracy.
Overthrow of capitalism essential
The founding documents of the PT - the
Manifesto and Founding
Program already explained that the end of
Brazilian capitalism was an essential precondition for genuine democratizaof Brazilian life.
tion
Even if these first doculittle made ments progress in defining an alternative society, the
PT's historical project already clearly was socialist. The ten years since the founding of the party - years of bitter but inspiring struggle — have conanticapitalist options redoubled our determination to transform
This anticapitalist conviction, generated by the bitter experience of Brazilian society, also impels us to take our distance from the projects of the social democracy, which historically have not led toward disengaging from capitalist society.
The past social democratic experiences prove that even if you get into the government or the institutions of the state - notably, the parliament - without a mass mobilization at the grassroots it is impossible to reach socialism.
The social democrats believed in the apparatus and thought that capitalist efficiency was compatible with a peaceful transition toward a different economic and social logic. Over time, this current abandoned the perspective of a parliamentary transition to socialism and even the aspiration of socialism, without however leaving the state institu-
Critical dialogue with social democrats doubtless has its usefulness for the workers' struggle internationally. But the social democrats' ideological project does not correspond either to the anti-capitalist convictions of the PT or its objectives of emancipation. "Actually existing socialism"
rejected
Our strategic fight for democracy —our very identity — has also led us to rejecting the models of the so-called actually existing socialism. We have always known that this appelation was false. The conservative ideologues are using the crisis in the East to combat any project that might run counter to capitalist domination. Accord-
VITORIA
PT delegates discuss party strategy
SIX HUNDRED DELEGATES representating 600,000 members of the
Brazilian Workers' Party (PT) met June 1-4 in the organization's Seventh
National Meeting. This assembly launched the discussion on the factics
November 12, 1990 • #194 International Viewpoint ing to its detractors, socialism is in fact incompatible with the ideals of progress and freedom. We challenge this reaction-
BRAZIL ary conception.
The abstract term, "actually existing socialism," does not take account of the and strategy to be adopted by the party at its first congress (scheduled special features of countries, of different for the second half of 1991). This meeting did take some essential steps revolutionary processes nor of economic toward defining the PT's program, for example in reaffirming its socialist and political differences. It equates expeprogram (as attested by the accompanying document) and its democratic riences of social transformation that are
Internal practices and reorganizing its national leadership. As much canby their nature heterogeneous. It minimiznot be said for its tactical and strategic orientations, which are fundamenes certain historic gains that are definitely tal in the context of the economic crisis and the austerity offensive being important for the peoples that have won waged by President Collor.
them.
The thinking that has begun is of great importance. The PT has to be
Some so-called socialist regimes came able to offer a democratic and radical solution adapted to the level of pop.
out of popular revolutions. Others were ular consciousness and organization in the country. Furthermore, in its engendered by the defeat of Nazi Germaten years of existence it has become an essential reference point for all ny and the Soviet army's occupation of a revolutionary movements in Latin america and elsewhere, It should be series of East European countries. In some recalled that it was on the initiative of the Pl that a meeting was held in of these processes, the masses managed to
Sao paulo this vuly that brought together most or the leit organizations exert an influence on the national life. A on the continent. (See International Viewpoint, No 193, October 29, 1990.)
foremost and special place has to be
Moreover, legislative elections were held in Brazil on October 3 for reserved for the Sandinista experience in
2,144 state deputies and senators. This vote was marked by a high
Nicaragua, despite its difficulties.
The abstention rate for the country (15% of voters did not go to the polls). A
Sandinistas were able to establish and quarter of those who did vote cast invalid or blank ballots maintain a political and civic equality that
While It would be wrong to compare these elections with the presidenthe people never knew before.
tial elections in 1989, a feeling of frustration does seem to be affecting
The PT supports the struggle of the large sections of the population. Thus, in the absence of a united, effec workers and the peoples for the liberation.
live social response able to counter the economic measures adopted by
It defends genuine revolutionary processthe government, the people may take their distance from political particies, while maintaining an independent attitude and reserving the right to make
According to the information available, the PT got 10% of the vote (in criticisms. Since its founding, the PT has the last elections of state governments in 1986, the PT got 6.5%) The Pl known that the theory and practice of the has 35 statedeputies (It. had 17), 80 national deputies, and if the second experiences of so-called actually existing round elections on November 25 confirm this trend, it will have two govsocialism are incompatible with the project of liberating socialism that it proclaims. We reject the lack of political, economic and social democracy; the monopoly of power by a single party, even when there is formal acceptance of multipartyism; domination by the bureaucracy, transformed into a privileged layer or caste; open or veiled repression of ideological and cultural pluralism; and the management of production by top-down, authoritarian and inefficient planning.
Consistent criticism of bureaucratic regimes
We have always criticized these regimes from the standpoint of revolutionary struggle and in the light of the various international socialist processes. The PT was the first Brazilian party to support the democratic struggle of Solidarosc in
Poland, even though it had no other ideological affinities with this union movement. We have denounced the violations of trade-union, political and religious freedoms that have occurred in the so-called socialist countries in the same way as we have fought for public freedoms in Brazil
We have denounced the crimes against humanity committed in Bucharest or elsewhere, such as the premeditated murder of agricultural workers in Brazil. For the PT, there can be no socialism that is not genuinely democratic.
The movements that have led to reforms in the Eastern countries have rightly rebelled against totalitarianism and economic paralysis, seeking to establish democratic regimes and to end the bureaucratic, ultra-centralized management of the economy. The outcome of these changes is not yet determined. Political and social struggle will mould these new regimes.
The PT is convinced that the upsets that have occurred in the East and are continuing in the countries of so-called actually existing socialism have a positive historic portent, even if reactionary currents favorable to capitalist restoration are in the majority today.
These movements - even if they do not put forward a project for renewing socialism — are breaking the political ice and bringing the various political and social forces back to the front of the stage. By encouraging democratic gains, they can offer new possibilities socialism. The political energy that has been liberated by social mobilization will not be easily tamed by the recipes of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) or the false paradises of capitalist propa-
Our democratic and anticapitalist politics has solid foundations. We have chosen to struggle for a concrete utopia, for a socialist society. We have also wanted to avoid the abstract ideology, the elitism of the traditional Brazilian left and the naked pragmatism that characterizes many parties.
Leadership armed through struggle
Any thinking at the top of the PT would be useless if the party's ranks and various social sectors did not share in it. In the beginning, our leaderships lacked experience. The patient and continuous democratic mass struggle has armed them. The strategic outlines of any socialist project have to be based on a profoundly democratic conviction affecting broad popular strata. The pedagogy based on the selfeducation of the masses through participation in civic life has proven correct.
Moreover, the PT recognizes the existence of democratic, popular, liberation and socialist forces throughout the world that have a different identity. It maintains special relations with them.
Today, we have to face up to new challenges. We can only do that if we demonstrate a greater political and ideological creativity. The new historic period here and internationally demands from the PT, as from other socialist and democratic forces, a bolder and more rigorous elaboration of policy. 25
The restructuring of the Brazilian econo-
International Viewpoint #194 • November 12, 1990
BRAZIL my and the recomposition of bourgeois domination flowing from it are shifting the political battle onto the terrain of general projects, with strong ideological con-
Over and above the "stabilization" and "adjustment" plans that the government wants to impose, what is at stake is Brazil's strategic place on the international scene, in the ideological and economic
Inasmuch as the PT influences broad sectors of Brazilian society and is becoming a credible political alternative, it has to define its proposals more clearly. Many of the apparently structural reform of the state, democratization of land ownership, etc — can only be dealt with and resolved through deepgoing stra-
In the same way, the failure of the experiments of so-called actually existing socialism and the temporary reinforcement of capitalist ideology — reflected even in a country like ours, which from the system's most sharpest and most destructive contradictions — challenges us to redouble our critical efforts and thinking in order to give a new substance to the perspective of socialist democracy in the historical and ethical realm.
What sort of socialism do we want to build? What sort of society? What sort of state? How is the productive structure to be organized and what will be its institutions? How concretely can we exorcize the spectre of authoritarianism?
We can also offer certain answers to these questions, on the basis of our practical experience and our thinking, which have emerged dialectically from the forms of domination we are fighting or which flow from our strategic convictions forged in the struggle.
Radical political change necessary
The Fifth National Meeting of the PT has cleared the ground for this discussion. In order to topple capitalism and begin to build a socialist society, a radical political change is necessary. The workers have to become the dominant class in civil society and hold state power.
Other aspects of our socialist project are still in the form of open questions, and it would be pretentious or wrong to offer an immediate answer to them.
In any case, we have to demonstrate an intense political imagination and a great our ideological options but also on th aspiration of the oppressed masses for a
The PT does not think that socialism is an inevitable future, the result of the economic laws of capitalism.
For us, socialism is a human project whose achievement is inconceivable without a conscious struggle of the exploited and oppressed.
This project will only be a liberating one to the extent that we envisage it in that way, as a need and ideal of exploited masses capable of developing a truly liberating consciousness and movement. That is why it is necessary to recover the ethical function of politics.
That is the precondition sine qua non for reestablishing
The movement we want to build takes its inspiration concretely from the rich tradition of mass struggles in the history of Brazil. It must base itself on solidarity among human beings and be a sum of specific aptitudes for solving collective problems. It will have to be a collective democratic subject, without negating the rich and necessary individual specifici-
It will have to perfect the fundamental equality among citizens, while jealously safeguarding the right of political, religious, cultural and other differences.
This society will fight for women's libcration, against racism and all forms of oppression, and foster the emergence of an integrating and universalist democra-
Pluralism and self-organization will not only be permitted but encouraged at all levels of social life. They will be an antidote to the bureaucratization of government, minds and wills.
While affirming national identities and independence, the new society will reject any imperial pretention and foster cooperative relations among the peoples of the world.
As we defend Cuba or Grenada against US imperialist aggression, we defend the right of self-determination of the peoples, and we encourage internationalist action. will be a constant source of inspiration.
The socialism that we want to build will only be achieved if it establishes an authentic economic democracy. Social ownership of means of production
It will have to be organized therefore around social ownership of the means of production — which cannot be confused with state ownership - that will forms democratically decided upon by the society (individual, cooperative, nationalized, and so on)
Such economic democracy must overcome the perverse logic of the capitalist economy as well as that of the autocratic state commandism that prevails in many so-called socialist economies.
Its priorities and objectives will have to be subject to the will of the society and not to any supposed strategic interests of It will have to combine -and that is the greatest of the challenges it will face — increasing productivity and with a new organization of work that will end the present alienation. It must strengthen the management of the units of production - factory councils are an essential reference point — and the entire system through strategic planning under social supervision. In the political field, socialism will have to preserve the democratic freedoms won with such difficulty in capitalist society but also broaden and radicalize them (freedom of opinion, freedom to demonstrate, freedom of civic and political organization for the parties).
Such freedoms concern all citizens, being limited only by the democratic framework.
Instruments of direct democracy that preserve the participation of the masses at the various levels of political leadership and economic management will have to coexist with the instruments of representative democracy and flexible mechanisms for consulting the people that can express collective interests without the interference of the capitalists.
In its fight for socialism, the PT does not minimize the theoretical and practical obstacles it will have to overcome.
It knows that it has to make an enor mous effort in the field of program and social struggle.
It is more than ever ready to undertake this, along with all of the forces striving for democracy and transformation in Brazil. *
AROUND
WORLD organizing the rural poor and made a rich contribution to many seminal historical docu-
THE EUROPE Helsinki Citizens' Assembly AROUND a thousand delegates from nearly every country in Europe met in Prague October 19-21 for the constitutive session of the European Assembly of Citizens/Helsinki Citizen's Assembly (HCA). Convoked at the initiative of the independent peace movements, the Assembly originated in the first Prague Appeal addressed by the Czechoslovak dissidents of Charter 77 (notably Vaclav Havel, Jiri Dienstbier, Jaroslav Sabata, and Petr Uhl) to the Perugia conference of the European Nuclear Disarmament (END) movement in 1986.
"Civil society is henceforth in power" declared Vaclav Havel in his inaugural speech to the Assembly, and, added the Czech president, in order to counteract the deformations which inevitably accompany the exercise of power, "it must rely on its own moral conscience"
proposed could leave something to be desired, but this theme of civil society was at the heart of the Assembly's debates and was the occasion for its
This also raises the issue of the nature of the HCA and of its relations with the "actually existing institutions", namely the state.
As regards the situation of the three Baltic countries, warmly evoked by the very numerous delegates from these countries, a proposition was put to the "Civil Society and European Integration" commission seeking to link the recognition by the HCA of the European Conference on Security and Co-operation to the recognition by the latter of the Baltic as sovereign and independent nations.
Finally another motion from the Baltic delegates themselves was adopted, demanding that the agenda of the Paris conference of the ECS should include the question of the independence and demilitarization of the Baltic states and that the delegations of these countries
During the debate, a Ukrainian delegate had to moreover recall that, important as it is, the Baltic question is not the only national question on the agenda Miet Jan Faber, a leader
AROUND THE WORLD Clarke, secretary general of the Interna(ILGA), had introduced on the question of lesbian and gay rights, a Hungarian delegate from Rumania asked if "having wasted an hour talking about homosexuals, it would be possible to deal with the question of Transylvania"!
The third world was, happily, not for-
- Pakistani filmmaker Roshan Dhunjiboy spoke of the responsibilities of the northern countries to south at the inaugural session, and his contribution was the most applauded. A public debate was organized on the question of the Gulf, which regrettably was dominated by the preoccupations and problematics of the French left. Going by the applause, the values of "the left" were dominant. The British pacifist Mary Kaldor made a long speech in the closing ses-
"dictatorship of which was warmly applauded, but a good deal of wooliness prevailed on this question. Thus the "cconomy and ecology" session pronounced itself in its provisional conclusions in favour of a "democratic market economy which takes respects the rights of workers and womwithout the concept of "democratic economy" being in any way explaincd.
Despite this, and even if the role and functioning of the HCA and its national sections, which are now to be established and structured, will become clear only in time, it represents an important framework for dialogue between militants of cast and west.*