International Viewpoint Archive

The Fourth International’s English-language review, from 1982

El Salvador: The Concessions the FMLN Is Willing to Make in Negotiations — Document

· International Viewpoint No. 194, 12 November 1990 · p 23 · 797 words

Armed forces and soldiers

But the FMLN has never been either materially or politically dependent on the the text published below, written in August 1990, he explains USSR. The Salvadoran government and the concessions that the FMLN is ready to make in the the United States hope to do now with the geopolitical they have been unable to do for the past

Time and reality will prove them wrong On the basis of this analysis, the government is offering negotiations without content, which offer no major changes. It proposes merely to change the names of some military units and move them. In return, the FMLN must call a ceasefire

Historically, the FMLN is a national force, with international recognition and wholly independent of any ideological bloc. It is guided by national and popular interests. Nothing and nobody can change our will to carry through a national and democratic revolution in El Salvador.

The USSR may disappear, but as long as there are militarist govemments and social injustice in El Salvador, the struggle will continue and the FLN will lead it. End of Cold War does not affect War does not affect us. nobody can now say that the FMLN is the fruit of the East/West conflict. In El Salvador, neither side has yet won nor defeated the other. It is thus simply illogical for one of the two parties to demand that the other disarm itself, on the basis of a prediction of bad days for international reasons.

In Salvador, there is one army in power and another that is fighting it. But Cristiani's army cannot govern or stabilize the country. The FMLN's power of veto is the most powerful instrument for the demilitarization of Salvador and the construction of democracy.

Three options for our country exist: either the two armies disappear; they continue to exist and become institutionalized; or, finally, one disarms the other.

The two first possibilities belong to the political domain, with the second being the most difficult to realize. The third can only take place on the military level. The most sensible and reasonable course would seem to be the disappearance of both armies and the total victory of civil society. It is ridiculous to imagine that in the framework of negotiations, the FMLN will put down its arms and the government's armed forces will remain. The FMLN retains all its ability to attack, which the army has lost. The High Command recognizes this, and is maintaining the state of emergency. It is accusing the FMLN of preparing an offensive for the near future, and even advising us that this would be a serious mistake on our part. No rundown of FMLN military

We state clearly that there has been no discussion about the run down of the FMLN military forces, while the government army is not ready to dissolve.

We are never going to negotiate a ceasefire in exchange for a change in the names of certain army units composed of murderers, and we will not disarm while the criminal and corrupt armed force which terrorizes the people remains in place. If the Salvadoran government and the Bush administration wish to obtain negotations. DOCUMENT FMLN's surrender at the negotiating table, this should be stated clearly, as was done by Roberto d'Aubuisson and Elliott Abrahams, an ex-functionary of Reagan. If this is what they want, they will be obliged to openly escalate the war, increase military aid and become yet further embroiled in the conflict, while dishonestly pretending that it is the FMLN who is responsible for the war continuing.

FLN will continue to negotiate The FMLN will continue to participate in the negotiations, whatever the military and political situation, since these discussions and the Geneva rights represent a victory for the Salvadoran people We have forced the govemment and the US to give us this. We will continue to fight for a ceasefire, and for an end to the immunity of members of the armed forces and for real democratic openings. We will struggle for the end of the war to coincide with the disappearance of militarism and social injustice in our country. The FMLN knows that the negotiations will be difficult, because we are not sitting opposite choirboys but the deathsquads. We are not deceived by Cristiani's "good manners". We know the crimes he was involved with when he was a colleague of d'Aubuisson.

We know what he means when he says that it will be the Salvadoran people who will suffer rather than the army from a new FMLN offensive. He is threatening to kill the innocent, as [during the FMLN offensive] in November 1989, if he feels in danger. We are dealing with a terrorist government, and this is what we must call 23

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EL SALVADOR terrorists

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