WESTERN EUROPE
A SYMBOLIC DATE, but in fact it looks as if 1991 will be the year in which the future is decided. Firstly, there are the two inter-governmental conferences, one on political union, the other on economic and monetary union (EMU), which are due to complete their labours. There will be compromises, but also important commitments for the coming years. The Schengen convention ( see accompanying article has already been ratified by eight of the twelve member countries of the European Community. The agreement of the Twelve over the equalization of VAT rates (Value Added Tax - that is, tax directly added to the prices of goods and services) at 15% is also an important step forward for
EMU, but it will lead in some countries to a restructuring of fiscal policy, which a number of governments will try to deal with by squeezing the incomes of work-
None of the compromises and difficulties ahead over the speed of monetary around "key financial equilibria". Austerity, and attacks on the wage earners, union will be able to check the imperious necessity of each country converging drives for profitability and reductions in social expenditure will thus be the flavour of the coming years. Some countries will be required to show that they have learned their lessons, if they want to have the chance to get in among the
Britain, Italy and Spain still have a chance, if they can cut inflation, reduce the public deficit, squeeze wage costs and so on. Spain's economy minister, Carlos Solchaga, has proposed a social pact to enable that country, which currentworkers of both Europe and the dependent countries. Six months from 1992 it is time to start paying attention. - Claude Gabriel. * country, establishing a new cross frontier y has an inflation rate of 6.5%, unemployment at 16% and a trade deficit of "right of pursuit". 6.5% of Gross Domestic Product in 1990, to catch up with the economic perfor-
Worked out with the utmost discretion, mance of its partners. Whether the unions accept the pact or not, there will cermore or less beyond the control of formal European bodies and international "normalization" of the Italian lira into a narrow permitted fluctuation of 2.25%, The entry of the British pound into the European Monetary System and the humanitarian organizations, this text is will both translate in terms of domestic policy into attacks on the wage earners. certain to result in terrible legal imbroglios. To whom is someone to appeal In Belgium, the road to EMU goes via a reduction in the public debt (which stands at 132% of GNP); the same is true of the Netherlands (84% of GNP). In against an unjust decision taken in the name of all the member states given that the latter country, this year a three-year budget reduction plan envisages cuts national law courts will not be competent and a reduction in public employment. Between now and
1994, social security spending is set to fall by 3.8bn florins. where super-national decisions are con- In France workers' social contributions are to go up by 0.9%, while the Gercerned?
man government is to raise taxes to avoid the failure of unification. This year is thus a decisive one for the next stage of European integration. Agreement not open to The press focuses on the magic date of 1992 and chews over all the details of amendment the complex negotiations over the structures being created. But while this is going on, outside of the debate on the institutions, the governments are togeth-
While it is in some respects incompati- er implementing policies that each day push back social gains and the workers' ble with existing community law, the movement. Even according to EC Commission president Jacques Delors himagreement is also not open to amend- self, the "Social Charter" is seriously behind schedule and is not following the ment. Those national parliaments that rhythm of the economic changes. How surprising! Is the European trade union were not involved in drawing it up can movement really aware of what is now happening? It too seems to accept the only take it or leave it. The Dutch State polarization of the debate around the form, the structures and the institutions -Council recommended against ratifica- as the recent congress of the ETUC (see IV 208) showed - instead of contion, considering that the convention is cerning itself with the basic question, that is the relations of force between incompatible with community legislation, classes on which the whole project of capitalist integration rests. and a threat to the right of asylum and the There are of course many difficulties in coordinating economic and monetary right to privacy. union, foreign and security policy, and the project for the "internal security" of
The Schengen convention is a declara- the community. The preliminary discussions in Luxemburg employ a partial tion of war on foreigners. All democratic separation of these three areas and aim to establish an independent set of organizations in the member countries rules for each. Thus integration will take place on three different levels. Added have a duty to mobilize to prevent to this are the differences between countries dictated by their needs and capacEurope 1993 being fortress Europe. * ities; some have not signed the Schengen agreement, integration into the single central bank system is delayed for others and so on. For a period this will produce an extremely complicated system with a hierar1. See International Viewpoint, no. 189, July 16, 1990. chy. This makes all the more important the juridical discussions on the respec2. This enormous computer file is to be constructed in tive prerogatives of the Brussels Commission, the European Parliament and Strasbourg. All member countries will have access to it. It will contain details of, among others, "undesira- the Council of Ministers. Each day brings forth new revelations on the new ble" foreigners, extradition candidates, missing per- Franco-German dispute, the sudden disagreement between Paris and sons, people summoned by courts and those who are to be the object of "discreet surveillance or specific Hague, the tension between Bonn and London. checks". All this is not without interest. The social and political issues involved are 3. This attitude is a clear expression of a political important enough for such official debates and contradictions to be worth objective of the European govemments, whose coun- watching. But they should not allow us to overlook the main thing: the comprotries currently take in only 6% of the world's refugees. mise will be found, and new steps taken towards integration, and the bill will be On the pretext of chasing out "economic refugees" these countries are trying to reduce as much as possible the protection for asylum seekers laid down in the Geneva Convention.
tainly be a serious attempt to apply it.
of 17.7bn florins presented to the
----- pull-quotes on this page -----
TERRE D'ASILE! allow police officers from a signatory state to pursue their inquiries in another EUROPE 1992! front runners of the EMU hardcore. 19 July 8, 1991• #210 International Viewpoint
Undermining the right legalizes the sacking of unofficial strikers and makes it illegal to take any, even official, action in defence of those sacked in this way.
Lawyers determine union strategy
The effect of these laws, and the attitude of union leaders, has been to drag
THE British trade union movement - numerically still very powerful — is taking a beating. Unemployment has been increasing at a record rate with no significant resistance. The employers feel their strength and have launched a new offensive. Restructuring schemes are underway in a range of industries. Wage settlements in the engineering industry are the lowest for many years. The number of employers negotiating collective agreements is declining and the withdrawal of recognition from trade unions is strongly on the
Increase. Behind this bleak picture is a collapse of confidence amongst the rank-and-file of the unions which is difficult to reverse.
ALAN THORNETT
HERE have been some recent
T most importantly the gains, defeat of the right (and the election of a black person, Bill Morris) in the ballot for general secretary of the Transport
Britain's biggest union, and General Workers Union (TGWU), but these do not alter the general picture.
The employers are doing more or less as they like, with very little resistance.
factors combine to
Three principle create this situation:
• The depth of the current recession and the resulting high unemployment.
• The grip of "new realism" 1 on the labour movement, which is now almost total.
• The success of the Tory anti-union laws.
The most important of these interrelated factors is the success of the anti- union laws. Challenging the legal straitjacket they impose is the single most important issue facing the unions in Britaction enjoyed by the unions since 1906.
• The 1984 Trade Union Act: This introduced the principle of mandatory postal ballots in union elections. It also made the existence of a union's political fund contingent on a postal balloi.?
• The 1986 Public Order Act: This increased the power of the police over
• The 1988 Employment Act: This makes ballots compulsory before strike action can be taken. It also allowed the greater use of injunctions against unions and gave rights to dissident members to challenge unions in the courts over internal union matters.
• The 1989 Employment Act: This reduced the rights of dismissed workers and restricted time off for union duties.
• The 1990 Employment Act: This is the most draconian of all. It makes pre-entry closed shops illegal, places further restrictions on secondary unions legally liable for unofficial action the unions into a legal morass. In most unions, lawyers control every move towards possible industrial action right early stages. They set the from the parameters of what the leadership union can or cannot do. They often interpret the law even more strictly than the courts, and many union leaders are happy for them to do so.
These laws, particularly in the absence of any positive rights for trade unions, are a formidable weapon in the hands of the employers and the government. The responsibility for this dire situation rests entirely with the new realists. Right from 1980, they have been determined to avoid any confrontation with the goverment. The Trade Union Congress (TUC - the single union confederation) initially declared that they would fight the laws but dropped their opposition and by 1983 began insisting that the law must be complied with. This helped to defeat the miners, the printers, the seafarers and the dockers and acted as a direct encouragement for more laws to be introduced stage by stage. The defeat of the miners in 1984-85 was the decisive turn, strengthening both the Tory government and the new realist right.
This situation is compounded by political decisions of both the TUC and the Kinnock leadership of the Labour Party. Last year's LP conference, with the backing of the TUC, voted to keep the whole range of Tory anti-union laws, with only slight modifications. This indicates the extent of the shift to the right by the Labour leadership; last time Labour came to office, in 1974, they were forced to repeal all the anti-union laws enacted by the previous Tory government of Edward Heath - and this despite the fact that ain.
The range of measures now available to employers for use
Ah, for Victorian against the unions are the values! Family life:
result of a series of seven Acts hardwork: respect:
of Parliament introduced over discipline..
the past 12 years:
•
The
1980 Employment
Act: This introduced the concept of "secondary action", a definition that restricts indus-
"your own"
trial action to workplace and makes solidarity action - defined as "politically based" action - illegal.
• The 1982 Employment
Act: This abolished the immu-
International Viewpoint #210 • July 8, 1991 unless they specifically repudiate it,
Hmmm...
Sweatshops!