Colombia:
Is peace
possible?
TWO far away villages, Dabeiba in Colombia, and Tlaxcala in Mexico, have been the site of stalled peace negotiations between the Colombian government and insurgent popular forces.
The Tlaxcala talks involved a search for peace between the Simon Bolivar Guerilla Coordination (CGSB)' and the Colombian government. At the same time, the armed forces in Dabeiba launched an attack against the civilian population under the pretext of a drive against the Armed Revolutionary Forces of Colombia (FARC). ALICIA PONCES T HE quest for peace in Colombia has been elusive to say the least. The abrupt breaking off of the recent negotiations at Tlaxcala has an antecedent. The first meeting between the government and the guerilla forces took place in Caracas in 1991. At that time, the government did not insist on a pre-negotiation cease-fire, but it did demand that the guerillas concentrate their forces in certain places in order to verify the truce
This condition, which would have led to the dismantling of the guerilla forces, was rejected by them. The Caracas meeting only succeeded in drawing up an agenda.
These included the cease-fire, the national political situation, kidnappings, and so on. But it soon became clear that the continuation of these talks was more complicated than anticipated. The government continuously tries to 1 7 July 20, 1992 • # 233 International Viewpoint
International Viewpoint # 233 • July 20, 1992
COLOMBIA place the blame for the stalled talks on the guerillas by claiming that they have violated the accords. The guerillas respond that it is the government which has violated the accords and is therefore responsable for the breaking off of the
From the beginning, the Tlaxcala meeting was tense and one could feel the possibility of a breakdown of the talks in the air. At the beginning, it was announced that former minister Argelino Duran who had been held by the Popular Liberation Army (EPL), had died.
President Gaviria then demanded that the representatives of this group in Mexico leave the meeting. The CGSB answered that this had been an error by one of the EPL fronts but that it had nothing to do with the CGSB as a whole." The government eventually withdrew its demand and the negotiations continued.
It was later learned that an anonymous judge had demanded the arrest of 31 members of the M-19 guerilla group because of the attack on the Palace of Justice?. However, by handing over their arms in 1989, the M-19 had benefitted from an amnesty law.
It therefore became clear that the government did not respect the accords it made with the M-19. Besides these arrest orders, many of the leaders of this organization who had been in public political life have been assassinated.
Another serious incident involved an order handed down by a judge against the president of the FARC for supposedly having committed a "terrorist homici18 that they would carry out this order. de". The police and the army declared
Among those sought are FARC leaders such as Manuel Marulanda, Guillermo Leon, Alfonso Cano and William Manjarrez. If the Mexican government had given in, Cano could have been arrested in Mexico where he was taking part in the negotiations. However, in line with former agreements he has the right to return to the Colombian mountains. The other detention orders have been passed on to the Colombian police and army who in turn have given copies to Interpol and the FBI. In addition to this, 50 people were arrested in 150 raids of houses sheltering guerillas in Santa Fe, Colombia. The two sides were supposed to work out a cease-fire in Tlaxcala. The governmental negotiator and president of the Senate introduced a proposal along the lines of Gaviria's policies.
He demanded that other sectors such as leaders of social movements, political figures, economic administrators participate in the negotiations. He also proposed that the armed conflict be settled by negotiated political methods. The question of the kidnappings, a key point in the negotiations, must be a priority.
Like the government, the Senate commission declared "the explicit objective of the negotiation process must be the demobilization of the guerillas and their integration into legal political life as part of the construction of a new Colombian
The idea of including the courts in the negotiations arose due to the problems that the M-19 has faced since it was legalized. Clearly, all the powers must be included in the peace process.
Guerilla spokespersons have sent a proposal to the Senate to organize a national round table which would be charged with exploring and defining mechanisms which would lead to a national peace compromise.
This body would include representatives of the three branches of public power, parties and movements, organized social and economic forces and representatives of the insurgents. For the guerillas, this compromise must "focus on a plan for the restructuring, planning and social and economic development of the country" if the causes of the conflict are to be tackled.
The proposal involves the holding of regional talks aimed at allowing Colombians to voice their concerns and suggestions. This question has become a subject of controversy because the government fears that these local meetings could help to expand the guerilla's base, which they hold is responsible for the prolongation of the armed conflict.
But for the CGSB the idea is to promote democracy and lighten the burden on the regions that have been the hardest hit by violence.
In its two years in office, the policies of the Gaviria government and its party have belied its pacifist claims. Social discontent has increased. Over the last three months the country has been in the dark due to an energy crisis. The rationing of electricity and time changes instituted in order to save money have increased discontent even among businessmen who have also been affected by these measures.
The energy crisis is the result of wasteful practices and the poor utilization of hydro-electrical resources, as well as the poor installation of an energy network. In the face of all this, the sole government response has been to fire employees.
Gaviria has also had to confront opposition to the opening of the dialogue by members of the Liberal Party who have termed it a "cruel farce". In these negotiations, the government's representatives have been guided by the same dogmatic approach and methods they used in dealing with the M-19 and the EPL.
In October 1992, the representatives of the government and the guerillas are to meet again to try to hammer out additional agreements. But will the government respect these agreements?
The electricity blackouts, the rationing, and the daily violent clashes have placed the Colombian population in a permanent state of alert similar to a civil war.
The army's attacks against civilians in zones where the guerillas are active have made the population increasingly sceptical of the will of the government to engage in dialogue. * 1. The Simon Bolivar National Coordination (CGSB), created in September 1987, is made up of the Armed Revolutionary Forces of Colombia (FARC), the National Liberation Army (ENL) and sectors of the Popular Liberation Army (EPL). The M-19 gave up its arms in March 1990, and created the Democratic Action Movement. Some sectors of the EPL also demobilized, as well as other small organizations like Quintin Lame and the Revolutionary Workers Party. 2. The M-19 which was formed out of a split in the FARC, handed over its arms on March 9, 1990. After having participated in a "dialogue" with the government in 1984, and with a part of its leadership decimated, it participated in the 1990 elections. Its presidential candidate was assassinated during the election campaign. The M-19 then participated in the government with its leader, Antonio Navarro Wolf becoming health minister. The organization won the largest number of seats of any party in the elections for the Constitutional Assembly.