### Dossier:
POLAND
This is the context for Kuron's remarks on social values. The vast social movement built around Solidarnosc was ripe with a social project, which was sacrificed by the union's leaders on the altar of negotiations with the bureaucracy. The results of three years of forced march towards capitalism are perceived by the majority of those who supported and trusted Solidarnosc as a betrayal of their rights and aspirations. It is such people, today resigned and apathetic, when not openly hostile, who Kuron wants to mobilize around his utopia of a socially just capitalism
In doing this Jacek Kuron summons up his own past writings. In December 1977 he wrote: No one needs to be told that the unlimited right of self-enrichment may entail obligatory poverty for many. Thus to realize the well-being of each human being in social practice as the supreme value, the principle of social justice is indispensable".!
While even then he supported, in the name of efficiency, liberal principles for fixing wages, he added that these propositions are unjust as criteria for the distribution of the social product". In those days he considered "the production of material goods outside of any social control and totalitarianism" as the main problems of the contemporary world and supported "the liberation of labour via self-management in the broad sense".
Plan and self-management
Indeed he proposed the development of self-management movements in all spheres of social, economic and political life, explaining that such movements should tend to take state planning and social cooperation over from the state and carry out this plan in an independent and self-managing way. Thus there would be a plan, which, while centralizing everything that should be centralized, would at the same time create the conditions for the independence of social groups, regions and the smallest units of produc-
However, the choice of an orientation towards capitalism - made with Kuron's conscious participation — silenced the generous intentions of our author. The neo-liberal market option has put an end
The Social Pact
THE pact signed on February 21,
1993 by the government and managers' representatives separately with Solidarnose and other unions, foresees the speeding up of privatization. The workers have been given the right to choose the form of privatization
(in common with the directors),
10% of the shares and represen tation in co-management organs.
the tax on the capital of public enterprises - the "dividend" - is abolished and replaced by a tax on profits. * not only to conscious social cooperation and the welfare state but has led to such a deep decline in production that the state no longer has the means for social redistribution.
One of Kuron's subordinates at the labour ministry has explained that they simply do not have the means to feed starving children.2 Worse, the decentralization of social welfare, of which Kuron is one of the authors is now suffering because such aid has been cut to balance local budgets.
Thus, in his attempt to pick up the broken thread of the utopia of social justice in a capitalist society, Jacek Kuron is reduced to proposing not the emancipation of labour and still less social control over production as the means for realizing his ends but the mutual management of poverty with possible state aid in the form of tax deductions.
However, in the prevailing political climate in Poland where there is little to be heard but invective, Kuron's statement has the merit of raising essential issues. And even the very term "social justice" (presented by the ultra-liberals as a Stalinist invention) has a subversive sound coming from Kuron. * 1. Jacek Kuron: Zasady Ideowé (Ideological principles), ILP, Paris, 1978. 2. Quoted in Gazeta Wyborcza, no. 43, February 20-21, 1993, in a shocking report on malnutrition among school age children in several parts of the country.
25
Poland and the "myth of social justice"
International Viewpoint #243 March 1993
"REALLY existing socialism was an attempt to realize the ideal of social justice through distribution and thus through the suppression of the market." This is how Jacek Kuron, longtime Polish dissident and now Minister of Labour introduces his recent article on "the utopia of social justice after the fall of communism", of which major extracts follow. DOCUMENT*
E VERYONE knows that the
effect of the suppression of the market was the absence of any economic efficiency. It is less often pointed out that the suppression of the market led to an explosion of demand. On the market one can only buy the equivalent of the money possessed When the market is replaced by distribution there are no limits to demand.
This means that various forms of rationing had to be used: public forms, such as vouchers and queues, and hidden forms — "privileged access" and corruption. And when there is distribution, some get more and others less, some are privileged and others discriminated against. In this way the principle of social justice was quali-
The end of mass terror in 1956 allowed social pressures for justice to appear in the form of strikes, demonstrations and later on broad organized movements. They demanded an end to privileges, and general access to goods needed for a decent life. That is, they said yes to socialism and no to its "deformations".
The establishment of a market economy was in line with the aspirations of society as a whole. People expected a rapid improvement of living conditions and believed in the Solidarnos movement which had allowed them to become * This article first appeared in Gazeta Wyborcza, February 13-14, 1993. 26 conscious historical actors while putting forward concrete demands.
The social injustice inherent in a market economy was clear from the start. In January and February 1990 the shops were filled. But very few of the "middle class" — which in People's Poland was taken to include skilled workers, school teachers, white collar workers, doctors and middle peasants — could buy what was in the shops. At the same time, they began to have to pay the market price for goods and services such as housing, energy, nursery schools and holidays that had previously been almost free
Thus we now have on the one side a pressure on the government to help people live according to the principle of social justice and on the other less and less money for education, health, pensions and social assistance. The budget shrinks as the main source of its revenues, public sector industry, shrinks. The rapidly developing private sector pays in little, as our financial apparatus is not adapted to the monitoring of a large number of small and medium-sized enterprises.
The former social welfare system has collapsed and a new system is only developing slowly and with difficulty. People fear the future. Along with the market economy unemployment has appeared as have social security payments and assistance.
Discontent with the government is growing at the same time as disillusionment with the market. In such conditions all kinds of political demagogy flourish, parliament is divided and governments change frequently.
Growth of private sector Despite all these difficulties many people and circles are functioning effectively in the new conditions. At the moment, almost half of non-agricultural production comes from the private sector compared to less than 10% a decade ago. The private non-agricultural sector employs 42% of the labour force, also compared to 10% ten year ago. Services have developed and today employ nearly 40% of the non-agricultural labour force - up from 16% in the same period.
Exports are growing and more of our products are of world quality.
The organs of local democracy elected in 1990 have largely come up to scratch. On the whole their finances are sound, unlike those of central government. A whole range of social and economic initiatives, of foundations and associations, have appeared. The changes at a local level are considered positive by nearly 60% of the population.
The official propaganda of really existing socialism claimed a special role for the working class in society — as the leading force in the nation and as the ruling class. The workers in the big enterprises enjoyed privileges in terms of wages, and perhaps even more important, access to goods distributed by the state such as housing, health services, holiday sites, enterprise shops, canteens, and vouchers for buying consumer goods. A worker in such a factory was protected in almost all aspects of life and enjoyed great social
Role of the working class
However, in daily life, the real role of the working class had nothing in common with the mythical role proclaimed by the party leaders and ideologues. It approached that role in 1956 and 1970-71 when workers in the big enterprises forced changes in the leadership and policies of the ruling party.
In August 1980, too, workers in the Gdansk dockyard spoke in the name of society and the nation in negotiations with the regime which they treated as a force external to society. Solidarnosc realized the myth of the working class - leading force in the nation! The union was organized around the big enterprises and around the union was organized the overwhelming majority of society. After 1981, under martial law, social resistance took many forms, but it was strikes by young workers raising the slogan "no freedom without Solidarnosc" which frightened the generals and party bosses into retreating
When Solidarnosc won the elections in June 1989 and a government was named under a prime minister from the movement, the working class had ceased to be
International Viewpoint #243 March 1993 the leading force in the nation. For a long time, this was not clear to Solidarnosc militants, who continued to cling to general and national slogans, but it became clear to everybody that these were now only decorations attached to enterprise or branch demands.
The movement in support of Lech Walesa's presidential campaign was partly an attempt to preserve the myth of the working class and give Solidarnosc back the role it had had in 1980-81. At the same time it reflected a rejection of the policies of the government that Solidarnose had itself produced, which were considered anti-worker. However, Walesa's support for Balcerowicz as head of economic policy put an end to such hopes.
It is true that the successive governments have left the public enterprises to their own devices in the hope that the market would force them to change. However, this has proved impossible for the majority of them. Furthermore, the priority given to mining, heavy and military industries under really existing socialism is anachronistic. These branches must be rationalized and our light industry, which is unable to compete on world markets, must also be restructured.
Looked at from the point of view of the government and political elites this task poses immense problems and requires means which it does not have.
Meanwhile, workers in big industry are being told that neither public enterprises nor the branch they work in have a future. Uncertain and fearful of what is to come they show their rejection of the government.
### Privatization rejected
Indeed, in the light of the above it is surprising that only a half of workers in the big public enterprises totally reject privatization. Five percent accept it unreservedly while 40% admit that their enterprises needs investment and better management.
This 45% is probably the result of the privatizations already undertaken which have seen wage improvements for workers. But the majority of workers over-estimate the value and condition of their enterprises and view every privatization offer as a swindle.
The collapse of really existing socialism has not given workers liberty and a sense of being masters of their destiny. On the contrary, they have lost not only privileges and social security but also social standing. Furthermore, they feel like objects, a toy of forces that they do not understand and from which they expect the worst.
The process of economic change pushes workers in public enterprises into a corner and leads to a radicalization in the
Solidarnosc, willingly or not, has given its name to all the governments since 1990. At least, this is how society sees it. At the same time Solidarnos' members feel the victims of the policies of these governments and have in fact been marginalized. As a result there is a contradiction between Solidarnosc's words and deeds; between radical phraseology and a search for compromise.
The Solidarnosc '80 union founded by former leaders of the union opposed to the round table negotiations between the union and the former Communist government has taken up the cudgels of a consistent defence of the public enterprises. Despite its intentions it in fact proposes a return to the old order of things.
Within the former pro-Communist OPZZ union and the various groups that have split from it, the main line is one of defence of the workers within the (new) existing order. Rarely do OPZZ leaders take up the struggle against the economic changes. Like the majority of Solidarnosc leaders they are seeking a compromise between the interests of workers in public enterprises and the government.
Compromise and confrontation Thus the main unions - the OPZZ and Solidarnosc — are bent on compromise. Unfortunately, the radicalization of the workers makes such compromise more and more difficult to achieve. This has led to a situation where an increasing number of unions organize fewer and fewer members. At enterprise level these unions are often truly representative, but around 15 of them have registered as national unions.
Many politicians and economists think that the compromise between the interests of public enterprise workers and the state embodied in the programme of transition to a market economy is useless. In a year or two public enterprises and limited companies controlled by the Treasury will be reduced to the margin of the economy.
And if, at the same time, the unions collapse, that is all to the good. Of course, they do not put things in such a brutal fashion.
But how else can one interpret the attacks on the negotiations on such a pact between the government and the unions?
The aim of the pact is to make the workers and unions partners in management and government in the transformation of the public enterprises and their privatization.
It is true that the workers are most interested in their wage packets, but the problem is that until recently they got quite and lot and today they are losing more than other professional groups. They consider this unjust and rebel. Either we have to smash their rebellion or negotiate with their representatives.
The endless changes in government have meant that we have fallen behind in working out an overall compromise. This process has only begun after the workers in the public enterprises, and with them the unions, have lost interest in negotiations, and when the unions have become weaker and their authority less.
The miners and railway workers strike in Silesia in December 1992 was supported by about half of the inhabitants of Poland's capital Warsaw. What is the reason for this surprising and disinterested
Fear and myths
In the prevailing atmosphere of social discontent, frustration and fear of the future, myths play a big role. The policies of the government of the Third Republic are coming into conflict with the myth of social justice. The majority of Poles view it as a government that takes from the poor and weak and gives to the rich and powerful. If the government wants to break the strikes it has to face the myth of the working class perceived as a force fighting in the name of the nation and the myth of the strike as a way to resolve the most difficult problems; it will have against it, on an optimistic view, half of society. Again, remaining optimistic, it can hope for the support of a third of society. I cannot see that either side can win such a struggle.
I do not believe in the magic powers of agreements. The workers and social support have to be won for them. More than once after they have been signed there will be strikes, sometimes wildcat and sometimes organized by unions, including Solidarnosc. And various social groups will support the strikes in the name of social justice. Social justice failed under really existing socialism. But I do not believe that we can build a new social order by rejecting a myth believed in by Poles.
The fall of communism has meant the end of an epoch of rivalry and with it the disappearance of the moving forces of collective action. Perhaps this lack of mobilization is the real source of the recession in the industrialized countries of the West.
And maybe the crisis of universal ideals that can motivate hearts and minds, and without which civilization is impossible, is one of the main effects of this process. We
27
Woman face reactionary
International Viewpoint #243 March 1993 see for example particularism, nationalism and fundamentalism rearing their heads around the globe and getting the upper hand.
While it is difficult to define justice, it is clear that it is a universal idea capable of onslaught mobilizing the activities of individuals and societies. The notion of social justice is particularly weighty. In Poland it is understood as a basic right to equality in terms of life, work, housing, medical aid,
THE attempt to re-introduce capitalism in Poland has been accompanied pensions, education, culture and decent by a drive to ensure the subjugation of women to the patriarchal social living conditions. The aspiration to realize these ideals of social justice must be a task
Krystyna Politacha surveys the anti-women campaign and some for social movements and governments in
Poland and the modern world as a whole.
We already know that there can be no liberty without the market; but the past few order.
encouraging signs of resistance.
KRYSTYNA POLITACHA — Wroclaw, February 3, 1993 years have dramatically reminded us that the market is not identical with liberty. The majority of Poles are too poor to profit from the liberty provided by the market.
We must thus find ways of realizing on the market the aspirations of people who do not have enough money.
The justified criticism of a distributive system is accompanied in liberal thought by the conviction that money is a good regulator of demand. However, individual and social activity can also act as such a regulator. This is the function of the search for a compromise in which the government would participate between the interests of social groups through various pacts and tripartite commissions.
### Mutual aid
At the same time, we need the foundation of mutual aid societies, housing associations and other similar institutions which people create for themselves to achieve their ends. The state must aid them by exempting them from tax and sometimes giving them financial aid.
Aid given by the government to individuals leads to the statization of social life and transforms the citizen into a client of the state. On the other hand, a democratic state can create the conditions for the development of various collective initiatives and thus make uniformity impossible and sharply restrict statization.
The task of a centralized state system in such a model would be to guarantee an indispensable minimum in collaboration with structures of local democracy to those who need it. * 28
T HE past three years of neo-
liberal economic policies have seen industrial production fall by over 50%. However, inflation continues to forge ahead
1992. In these years, the real average wage has fallen by 40% and the incomes of more than 60% of families are below the social minimum while real incomes of working class families have been cut by
There are already more than 2.5 million unemployed. A growing number — now nearly a million — no longer have any nights to unemployment benefits. The budget deficit for 1993 is predicted to rise above 80,000bn zlotys - about $5bn which implies further cuts in health, education and cultural spending. The wherewithal to finance structural changes in the economy is also missing. Thus the whole social infrastructure is following the declining path of the economy.
More than half of those unemployed are women. The economic crisis has in the first place struck those whose position in the labour force makes them least able to mount collective resistance. This is the case for women. In the Wroclaw region, which has been relatively unaffected by the crisis, 58% of the unemployed are women. In the Lodz region - which is the main female industrial centre 70% of those unemployed are women.
Public sector spending limits have an immediate effect on the material situation of women, who make up nearly 80% of those employed in this sector. Thus, in 1992, public sector salaries declined faster than the overall drop, and were 4%
Lower than salaries in industry. Wages for primary school teachers - the most feminized profession in Poland - were
15% below the average. A woman primary school teacher with 30 years service earns 2.4m zlotys a month, while a new police recruit gets 3.8m.
The reduction in spending in the domain of social services means the closure of crèches and nursery schools. In 1991, the number of crèche places was already 35% down on 1989. Since then the closures have accelerated. In December 1992 alone 26 crèches and nursery schools were shut in Wroclaw. These closures were accompanied by a rise in fees for crèches and state-maintained nursery schools, cutting further into the incomes of working women. One has the impression that there is a deliberate policy of driving women out of social life.
Material impoverishment is accompanied by cultural impoverishment. The clubs and houses of culture, traditionally linked to the public enterprises, are closing. The situation is particularly dramatic in the small towns where the closure of an enterprise may not only mean unemployment for half of the inhabitants but also the end of the school, cinema or theatre.
We are thus seeing the progressive liquidation of the workers' social gains in fields such as education, social assistance, health and leisure. This situation is being given legal sanction, as is shown by the rejection in the course of a debate on laws on liberties and civil rights in the Polish parliament, the Diet, of the Socio-Economic Charter which aimed at preserving, at
International Viewpoint #243 March 1993 least in principle, the socio-economic rights of workers won in the past, rights which are accepted in most developed capitalist countries.
At the same time restrictive legislation on abortion has been introduced
Despite significant social mobilization against the Catholic fundamentalist plans for banning abortion in all cases and inflicting legal penalties on women who abort - a mobilization that enjoyed the support of the majority of Poles according to opinion polls — the Diet passed on
January 7, 1993, a "law on family planning, defence of the human embryo and the conditions in which abortion is permissible". Adopted unamended by the
Senate on January 30, the law has now been promulgated by the president.
This law, riddled with hypocrisy and lies, is based on religious premises, seeing
Polish women as nothing more than breeding stock. It replaces a law allowing abortion in cases of "difficult living conditions for women" adopted in April
1956 in the democratic climate of destalinization.
Henceforth, abortion will only be permitted when there is grave danger to the life or health of the mother, when the embryo is non-viable or where the pregnancy is the result of a crime. The medical diagnosis must be confirmed by at least two other practitioners and where crime is concerned by the public prosecutor. Illegal abortion can be punished by up to two years in jail. The only concession here is that the woman who has aborted will not herself be charged.
As could be expected, the fact that this bill has been passed has helped to create a generally repressive climate. It is no longer possible to buy intra-uterine contraceptive devices.
Cases are also reported of women killing new born babies they were forced to have because they dared not ask for contraception or abortion. Undoubtedly the number of back-street abortions will also increase.
The voices and views of women have not been heard in this debate. Parliament refused to hold a referendum on the issue, as requested by a petition of more than a million signatures launched by the Civic
Committee in Favour of a Referendum.
This is part and parcel of a wide-ranging political offensive by Catholic fundamentalists conducted under the auspices of the Catholic church.
This began in 1989 with the introduction of the catechism as an optional subject in education and a mention of the mark achieved in this subject on certificates. The obligatory introduction of the catechism in schools is now being consi-
At the same time, the church is trying to restrict the right of divorce by inserting an obligatory stage of "separation" and, in the framework of the negotiation of a treaty with the Vatican, to obtain for itself some functions now in the hands of the
Finally, a new law adopted by the Diet on January 29 on audiovisual communications stipulates that "broadcasts must respect the religious convictions of the audience and in particular the Christian system of values". This effectively means a right of religious censorship over radio and television. The first effect of the law, furthermore, was a purge of state media officials. It has also meant a restriction of the right of expression of supporters of the right to abortion.
Towards totalitarianism?
The religious offensive involves demands and legal norms in fields as diverse as private life, information, culture and education based on religious principles threatening freedom of expression. On such a basis one could impose a system of religious, moral and political norms that would lead directly towards a totalitarian state.
A law on rights and civil liberties currently being discussed in parliament which envisages the institutionalization of referenda as a right could, if adopted, serve as a point of support for the social movement which mobilized in defence of a woman's right to choose and against the