"Struggle is not over"
International Viewpoint #260 October 1994
PAUL FLANIGAN, a member of the Irish Committee for a
Marxist Programme, which groups together supporters of the Fourth International, spoke to PAT McKEOWN, a member of Sinn Féin's
Ard Chomhairle
(national committee), on 13 September 1994.
N THE 31 August the Irish Republican Army (IRA) announced a complete cessation of military operations. What, in the opinion of Sinn Féin, prompted such an historic announcement?
It's complex because there are a whole range of things that have come together over the last couple of years. A nationalist consensus has been built in Ireland — of that there should be no doubt. It would be wrong to call it a consensus on all issues - but at least there is consensus that the Irish people have a right to national self-determination. How that unwinds still remains to be worked out.
That has led to a situation where the Irish case is being presented with some unity. The IRA, in those circumstances, are simply saying that there is the potential to move this situation on to negotiation and dialogue — and by all means let's try it. It is now down to Sinn Féin to move the situation on.
So there a number of things which we have helped to change in the last four to five years — to the point where the Dublin government are at last showing some interest in Northern Ireland; you also have the US government, which have at last nally, on all movements for freedom. I think the South African form of struggle provided us with a direction which had generally been overshadowed by the armed struggle. We have been saying to our people: the struggle is not over — we are only at stage one of beginning to resolve the conflict. What we have seen in South Africa over the last ten to fifteen years is where the struggle is at here, and we need to evolve it in a political way.
A cessation of military operations does not mean the end of progressive demands. In fact it's the opposite. The lessons of the ANC, and their ability to unite Black African consensus, is something we are trying to pick-up on here. If we can unite nationalist consensus we can move forward with some strength. Would it be fair comment then to say that the armed campaign has been replaced by a political strategy centred around "nationalist unity"?
Nationalist unity is ultimately important at this time. But I don't think that on its own it's a solution, because in Ireland nationalist unity means working with some very right-wing politicians. It doesn't mean that we have a common view of the kind of Ireland we would like to see. Therefore, while nationalist unity is important at this particular moment it is by no means the sole key to
"If we can unite nationalist consensus we can move forward with some strength."
6 shown some interest from an Irish perspective. So the stage is set for putting some pressure on the British to begin to make moves.
That's the background to the IRA decision.
Did the developments in South
Africa and Palestine have an influence, either positively or negatively, over the decision to embark on a "peace process"?
Certainly. South Africa moreso than
Palestine. The developments in South
Africa have had an influence on Republicans, as indeed they have internatiothe solution. I think that the key to the solution of our problem is reliance on the political determination which our people have shown over twenty-five years. But is there enough common ground among nationalists today to present the British government with a sort of "political ultimatum" concerning the future of Ireland?
That will be the business of the Forum for Peace and Reconciliation — to put some meat on the bones. There certainly is a commonality of interest in the nationalist community. The definition of where that takes you needs to be worked out at the Forum. The role of that body is to secure the interests of the nationalist community but also those
International Viewpoint #260 October 1994 who presently see themselves as Unionists.
The consensus amongst nationalists at present is that agreement can only come when the British begin to disengage from Ireland. All the nationalist parties have policy in favour of Irish unity, so we're simply saying to them: if that's your policy let's start working for it. And to a degree we have been able to move them on that front. Everything we know about the London/Dublin framework document for a lasting settlement points to a devolved assembly at Stormont. How does Sinn Féin propose to respond to such a document?
The nationalist consensus is that there is no internal solution to the North. That is dealt with most clearly in what became known as the Hume/Adams document. The document isn't public but the principles of the document are and it quite clearly accepts that there is no internal settlement. An assembly in Stormont could not become a governing body of the Six Counties, as was the case in the past. It has to be part of wider framework. We have said that the framework document is negotiable. Nothing is written in stone. Similarly, we've said that in the Downing Street Declaration there are large parts of it which we don't agree with and want renegotiated. So we are approaching this with some agreement — not complete agreement - but at least we feel that there is agreement on key points, one of which is that there is no internal settlement for the North.
You have begun agitating around civil rights and security issues. Do you envisage the Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP) supporting such campaigns?
I think that it's going to become increasingly difficult for the SDLP to sit on the outside. For example, the RUC are unacceptable to nationalists as a whole not just Sinn Féin supporters. So, as we address the RUC occupation (of nationalist areas, for example west Belfast) the SDLP will be forced to address it too. I don't foresee a situation where they'll be picketing RUC barracks — a middle class party will not move in that direction. But I think the dynamic of the pickets and other protests will force the SDLP to take a stronger line — to the extent that they will be forced to move by us, rather than us moving with their Are you prepared to look for allies and supporters on the broadly socialist left?
Part of our strategy has to be not only a nationalist consensus but also an anti-imperialist consensus. Whether others comitted to the current nationalist consensus like it or not, our party is comitted to a democratic socialist republic. We make no bones about the fact that this is want we want. So, it's imperative that at the same time as we deal with British involvement in the North, we also build a movement which creates a new society throughout the whole island of Ireland. In the past one of the problems we have had with the broad
In the early 1980s important links were forged between Sinn
Féin and the British left. Ken Livingstone
(left), the former
Labour leader of the
Greater London
Council, is seen here with Sinn Fein
President, Gerry
Adams party is comitted to democratic socialist republic.
... this is what we want."
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"Struggle is not over"
International Viewpoint #260 October 1994 left is that some had problems with the armed struggle. That's out of the way. There are no excuses any more, and what we're saying is "let's get down to it" because if we want to create a political force for socialism the onus is on all of us. A new political situation means a new electoral challenge for Sinn Féin. How is the party going to differentiate itself from the SDLP or Fianna Fail in order to challenge their electoral mandates?
If you look at the Twenty-six Coun ties it gives you a good idea of where we've become retarded. In the North we have a solid electoral base, albeit a minority nationalist one. We believe we can increase it by forcing the real issues out into the open. To a degree, when armed struggle provided the dynamic, we didn't touch upon all the issues which involved even Northern nationalists. Sinn Féin was not always seen to not anti-Sinn Féin. To a degree, the whole situation has been transformed Until last year Sinn Féin was a party which was never heard, because we were censored off the airwaves. Now, people not only know about our policies on national re-unification but also those on social and economic issues. We are different from the parties which currently exist in Ireland and I think that there is tremendous potential for us. We are entering unchartered political territory. A lot of things could go wrong. Does Sinn Fein have a fall back position if this happens?
We have embarked on a particular strategy, but it's by no means the only option available to us in our struggle with Britain - never mind our struggle throughout whole of Ireland. What we're very sure of - and I think this is where our confidence lies — is that we have people who have been through twenty-five years of very hard and difficult struggle, and comitted to it. We
No. We have policies across the board. We want, and seriously expect at some stage in the future, to have influence on a Thirty-two County Irish State or to be the governing party. We have been "pigeon-holed" in to being a party sole around the issue of British rule in the North. We have been quite conscious of that so that even in times when all our energy was taken up around that single issue we were still able to develop other policies. Now, more people will come into the party. In the Twenty-six Counties people joining Sinn Féin were harrassed by the State security forces, but now I think that is going to ease. I'm convinced that Sinn Féin have the way forward for the Irish people. Our objective is to become the government of the Irish people — operating under socialist
"In the North we have a solid electoral base...
we believe we can increase it by forcing the real issues into the open."
provide a voice for all nationalists. So I think we have a wider field to work in now. In the Twenty-six Counties it presents all sorts of opportunities. Generally, Republicans in the South were fixated by the armed struggle. They saw their primary role as support for the armed struggle in the North. Therefore
Fianna Fail and others have had a clear run with little opposition. I think there is a viable alternative in terms of a left, of a progressive party. I think Republicans have the credentials to lead, or be part of the leadership, of such a party and from this point on our comrades in the Twenty-six Counties will begin to be aware that they're swimming in a sea which is the integrity of our base. So, we are saying to our base: If we've got it wrong — you change it. If this leadership is taking the wrong direction you should oust them and put in place a leadership which will respond to your view of the situation. The only reason we have got this far is because of that strong base, which keeps throwing up new ideas, initiatives and strategies. With each stage of the current strategy we will do what we have always done; review our position and decide on how far it's taken us. If we think that we've got it wrong we'll be first to go back to our base and begin to look at how to build alternatives. If Sinn Féin is able to achieve a "breakthrough" on the national question leading to a favourable settlement does this mean that the party will disband?
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