International Viewpoint Archive

The Fourth International’s English-language review, from 1982

Counter Imperialist Escalation: Step Up Solidarity

International Viewpoint No. 28, 18 April 1983 · p 28 · 938 words

France Scandinavia Britain and Ireland

To counter tions outside embassies.

By the same token, the Pope's visit to Central America did not lead to initiatives or demonstrations as large as the occasion warranted.

However, solidarity activity remains imperialist escalationStep up solidarity with Central America!

The escalation of imperialist aggression towards Nicaragua, and more and more direct threats against El Salvador, make it essential to give a new thrust to the campaign for international solidarity with the revolution in Central America.

Since the elections in El Salvador in March 1982 solidarity activity in West

Europe has declined, with the exception of the huge demonstrations against Reagan that took place in most European countries at the time of his visit in June 1982.

A solidarity movement does, however, exist, and has even become consolidated. It involves not just the broad current that signs petitions, or takes part in demonstrations, but an ongoing and organised movement. The latter sometimes takes the form of coalitions, sometimes of networks of committees.

For example, there are broad coalitions of political and trade-union organisations in Sweden, where SAMCA (the Co-ordinating Committee for Central America) includes some thirty organisations and committees. In Denmark a solidarity front brings together currents ranging from the Social Democratic youth to the far left. In Great Britain, a significant number of trade unions and Labour members of parliament support the El Salvador Solidarity Committee (ELSOC).

But in most cases committees composed of active revolutionaries, Christhuman-rights activists, unionists are still the motor force of solidarity activity, particularly with Sal-

There are national co-ordinations of committees. Such co-ordinating bodies are supported by 19 committees in Switzerland, some 50 in Italy, around 40 in the Netherlands, a dozen in Flanders, and several dozen in France. also such national co-ordinations in Iceland, and in the Spanish state, although in the latter case the network is still very decentralised. In Luxembourg, the Luxembourg-Nicaragua Solidarity Association has around 700 members.

In some countries, like France, the concern to be able to deal with the specific problems of building solidarity with Nicaragua, Salvador, and Guatemala, has led to the formation of three separate committees, one for each country. The stepped-up threat of imperialist intervention, although it does not do away with these special features, has tended, how-

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ever, to promote joint mobilisations against intervention.

In Switzerland, a unified committee has been formed for solidarity with Nicaragua and Salvador. In the Netherlands, an Anti-Intervention Front brings together 32 organisations. The Central America Committee in Great Britain coordinates the work of the Salvador and Nicaragua committees in France work together in a co-ordinated way.

In addition pearance on a still limited scale of committees on Honduras, Haiti and Grenada, particularly in Grenada committees also exist in Britain and Sweden.

### INTENSE ACTIVITY

Practical solidarity activity has developed in three fundamental directions: mass mobilisations, circulation of information, and material and financial aid.

Since Reagan's visit to Europe, street demonstrations, which were the most spectacular form of mobilisation, have lost momentum. The demonstrations on January 22, 1983, in general were smaller than those of last year, except in the Netherlands where 8,000 people took part. In other cases the initiatives often took the form of gatherings or delegaintense though of a less spectacular and mass Some 194 information meetings took place in Sweden over the last year. The Solidarity Forum which took place in Switzerland in January (see IV No 23, February 7, 1983) was a big success.

More generally, there has been sustained informational activity, which is very important at a time when the imperialist press is waging a veritable campaign of hysteria, particularly against Nicaragua. The committees in prac tically all the European countries publish regular bulletins or pamphlets. Infor mation centres have been set up, exhibitions organised, in some cases a weekly newsletter produced.

For example, the second edition of the dossier on Nicaragua by the French committee which has now appeared is an excellent compilation of information.

Finally, above and beyond collections in meetings or public activities, systematic campaigns have been mounted to raise money for Central America. There has been the '500 lire for Salvador' campaign in Italy, the day of Five pesos for Salvador' in Colombia, a campaign 'A million francs for Salvador in France...In Switzerland and Denmark these campaigns have been oriented towards the trade-union movement, calling for one hours's wage for Salvador'.

Material solidarity is more and more taking the form of practical projects mobilising specific professional groups: support for revolutionary radio stations, teachers to build up schools in the liberated zones, doctors for field hospitals...

In general, the solidarity committees identify with the Nicaraguan revolution and the Salvadoran fighters. They put forward slogans such as 'Recognition for the FMN/FDR as sole representative of the Salvadoran people' COME to Seport. the struggle of the But this has not at all prevented them from attempting to widen support and solidarity around more limited objectives - essentially on the basis of opposition to the threat of intervention. This broadening is going in two directions.

On one side, the movement is extending into the workers movement, in particular the trade-unions. In certain cases, such as Britain or Iceland, some trade-union organisations take part directly in the committees. In the Netherlands a major trade union confederation, the FNV, publishes a special solidarity journal jointly with the Salvador committee.

More generally, campaigns along the lines of 'one hour's wage for Salvador imply that the trade-union structures have taken them up. In Switzerland a permanent solidarity fund, "Solifonds', has just been set up. Trade unions, the Social Democracy, and a representative

Continued on page 27

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