Towards a different Europe and the "stability pact" lead us TE BRITSWEAT towards more and more austerity measures. The alternative is a Europe where Labour is more important than Capital, and where the collective is more important than private interests. A social Europe, where the top priority would be abolishing unemployment, the greatest social sickness of our times. A social Europe would be oriented towards the satisfaction of the social needs of the majority of the population.
Opinion polls, and struggles, confirm the progression of this perspective. Broad unity in action, and the collaboration of various currents of the social movement is becoming possible around concrete demands. The question for the labour and social movements is, how do we direct this resistance against the EU and the employers, who are, of course, opposed to social Europe.
At the risk of being too schematic, let's look at the arguments of other currents in the movement Social Democrats
The European labour movement is dominated by the strategy of the social democratic parties and trade union leadership. Their decisive support for the EU, and their permanent coalition with Christian-Democratic [centre-right] currents has provided the European Union with a parliamentary base, and the necessary social and institutional consultative forums. Without this support, the EU in its current form could not exist.
Social democrats have seized the EU, by deliberate choice or by illusion, as their only workable perspective. They have draped the EU, and the broader "European model" of a social and democratic society, with all kinds
Recognising the EU's "social and democratic deficit," social democratic leaders have pleaded, without much conviction, for reforms, for a "democratisation". They have insisted on the need for strong, reinforced EU institutions. They claim that the EU is a barrier to nationalism and the far-right. In fact, the far right is gaining support among the population because social regression imposed in the name of the EU is discrediting the European idea.
This strategy has clearly failed. The current rescue operation involves inscribing" the social protocol in the new treaty, and
IONAL "No job too badly paid" boosting the confidence of the social democratic voters by stressing the new contributions of Tony Blair and Leonel Jospin in France. All this will change little.
Opposition to the labour movement and social democratic leaderships is increasing. These currents all want to struggle against the disastrous effects of the new Europe which is forming. But their strategies for opposition are varied.
A "nationalist" left in the socialist and communist parties objects to the total Europeanısm of the social democratic leaders. Fairly strong in some countries (France, Germany, Britain) this current criticises or rejects "Maastricht," in the name of national sovereignty. It denounces the non-democratic character of the EU, the common currency, the European Bank, and the "Brussels Comits pet hate. This current thinks it is possible to get out of the crisis through an economic relaunch programme at the
Inevitably, this goes hand in hand with illusions in the national state, the national parliamentary system, the national bank and the national currency. Nor does it avoid the occasional national-chauvinist degeneration: a source of division between the workers and the peoples. If followed through, this strategy proves illusory and dangerous. "Europeanists"
A second, Europeanist left (in the socialist, communist and green parties) also opposes the effects of the EU and its neoliberal policies. But it is reluctant to make a radical critique of the EU system, and to follow its opposition all the way. This is because this current is politically and practically paralysed by the fear that an institutional crisis of the EU would lead to a growth in nationalism, and the far right in particular.
As a result, and against good sense, this "Europeanist" left continues to defend, and propose reform of the European institutions, the common currency, and the European Bank, as necessary pre-conditions to an alternative social, ecological policy for the citizens of the EU. This current has recently sharpened its criticism, but it hesitates about breaking from its support for the institutions. As a result, it fails to offer a coherent, convincing strategy. The radical left
The radical left, in the trade unions, social movements and political groups, totally rejects the EU, justly denouncing it as a capitalist and imperialist construction. But not as a supplementary instrument in the hands of Big Capital. This superficial analysis under-estimates the obstacle which the progress, and possible success of the European Union would represent for the everyday struggles of the labour movement, and the anti-capitalist struggle.
As in the reformist left, there are two symmetrical attitudes. The first attitude is that, since Europe is a long way away, the working class should confront capitalism by struggling at the base, against the bosses in one's own workplace, and the government of the country where one lives, without worrying about the "superstructure." This strategy confines itself to a national political framework which, obviously, increases the risk of a nationalist slide. The second current develops internationalist and socialist propaganda, and acts in solidarity with struggles
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The European Union means the reign of the multinationals, based on protit, and the sacred principle of private property. The European Union means a neo-liberal Europe, where monetary union
elsewhere in Europe. This kind of abstract internationalism does not offer a political response to the crisis of the EU.
Attitudes like these cannot lead to the elaboration of a clear strategy and programme for confronting the EU, not to a sustained effort to build the labour and social movement at the European level. But a real opposition to the EU must exist at a double level: the social movement, and the state. Building an active social movement...
The balance of forces will be transformed through the struggle of the labour and social movement, the mobilisation of public opinion, and the activity of civil society.
This political and social dynamic is still above all at the national level. But, since the EU is the co-ordination centre of neo-liberal policies, these dynamics also, spontaneously, enter into collision with the EU. The European dimension appears, in solidarity, in demands, in types of action and forms of organisation. Way behind the governments and the dominant classes, the social movement, in all its sectors, is beginning to establish itself at the European level.
We are at the stage of building an active, combative trade union movement. The European Trade Union Confederation is not a real union, but an empty shell, which the national trade union bureaucracies use as a "pressure group" on the European Commission and the Council of Ministers.
A more positive evolution can't be ruled out, particularly if the EU continues with its neo-liberal policies. This should lead to rebellion not only by the rank-and-file, but by sectors (enterprises, industries, regions) of the trade union movement, which will be pushed, by their worries and concerns, towards initiatives at the European level. The formation of (powerless) European enterprise committees in a series of multi-nationals has had one positive consequence: enabling militants to establish horizontal links between the delegations representing the workforce from different national operations of the multinational.
Apart from the labour movement, the social movements have less weight in the balance of forces, but more active links, and more, and more energetic initiatives. Common activity going beyond the national boundaries should be encouraged, through common campaigns and activities, and in solidifying the links through common lists of demands. ...at the European scale
One positive example 1s given by the trade unions in the Renault group, which are now demanding a collective bargaining agreement covering all the group's factories and, eventually, the whole of Europe's auto industry. In other sectors (notably the printing industry, trade unions have federated across Europe on the basis of a common list of demands. Railway workers have taken coordinated industrial action. Gradually, a common core of minimum demands is being established for the entire EU, including a minimum guaranteed wage, minimum social 12 International Viewpoint #290 protection systems, valid across the EU, maximum working hours, and standardised norms for safety and hygiene. National crises, international solutions
This first aspect of a European strategy is insufficient: we also need a political perspective concerning the EU as such. This perspective can take different forms, depending on the situation and history of the member-
In some countries, particularly in Northern Europe, adhesion to the EU is only recent, and identification with the EU is still weak. The main opposition to integration is from the left. The economy is less integrated into the EU than among the core countries. and the EU norms which are being imposed often represent significant worsening of the social, ecological and democratic situation.. In these conditions, the fight to withdraw from the EU will weaken the EU. But this struggle also requires a clearly internationalist, left programme.
In the heart of the EU, where the economies are particularly integrated, the mass of workers understand that there is no sense in confronting the EU, unless one proposes social and economic alternatives which are also 'European.'. countries, the demand of withdrawl from the EU in defence of national sovereignty is above all supported by the right and the far Where does power lie?
In any case, a radical re-orientation of the economy and society requires another government, another political power. For the last 150 years, this approach has been clear and effective at the national level. Today that is no longer true, for three reasons.
• Political power is elusive. It is no longer entirely within the nation state, nor entirely transferred to the EU. Indeed, all the important decisions within the EU are taken by the national governments.
• Economic power is now in the hands of the multinationals. The financial markets directly punish all dissidence in choice of social and economic strategy at the national level. The EU reflects and reinforces this situation.
• No major problem (economic re-launch, mastery over the financial markets, ending unemployment, major infrastructure projects, unbalanced development, migratory flows, nuclear weapons, main transport networks, social, economic and ecological problems) can be solved at the national level. All demand reinforced, even institutionalised co-
Most people realise this evolution quite clearly, since they are confronted with it on a daily basis, in the media, at work, and as
But the practical result, is the growth of a huge feeling of political powerlessness. The workers movement is not, and will not be for a long time, an efficient means for overcoming these handicaps. Although it was built with the blessing of social democracy (the parties of the second international and the national trade union bureaucracies), the EU has resisted the transfer to the European level of the assorted social rights and tactical gains which the workers' movement had achieved at the national level, through a century of hard struggles (for collective bargaining, democratic and trade union rights, the right to be informed, and have an inf luence on working conditions and the production process, bodies of consultation and participation at all levels of economic and political life, access to legislative work through the traditional parties, and the "pressure-mobilisation-negotiation" tactic, which was once quite efficient, but which, under the EU, has become obsolete.
We should draw a strategic conclusion: the political rupture will probably take place in one EU country first, even though the solution to the crisis will be at the level of the What kind of rupture?
In the short term, we cannot count on the traditional labour movement (which does not exist at the European level) to organise a struggle for the major social demands, and confront the EU. Nor can we expect a revolutionary confrontation in one country, which will spread rapidly to several other EU countries. A more realistic hypothesis is that a political crisis in one country will shake or overturn the government there, either because of a strong, massive social movement, or by parliamentary or presidential elections which lead to a strong social mobilisation. The echo of such a mobilisation will be heard beyond the frontiers of the country.
Such a breakthrough at the national level will immediately be confronted with the neoliberal policies, the rules and institutions of the EU (Maastricht criteria, stability pact, and independence of the European bank.
A crisis like this will almost automatically shift to the EU level. Since the EU is run by "intergovernmentalism," it will be the European Council (of Ministers) which will ensure that a government which threatens, or is forced, to break ranks will continue to respect the Treaties. This means all of Europe will be concerned: the EU institutions, each national government, the dominant and working classes, and all the social and political movements. Depending on the force of the movement, a political-institutional crisis of the EU may develop. It will be necessary at this point to present an internationalist, anti-capitalist response which is adequate to the situation. A proposal for a social Europe, which radically changes the priorities, and, to this effect, takes all the necessary political and economic measures.
What would a social government, a real left government do at such a moment? First of all, it would reverse neo-liberal priorities, and put social policies at the centre of its work. It would invite all of Europe to join with it. It would immediately, at the national level, take a series of concrete measures in favour of the workers, women, young people, immigrants, and the most disadvantaged
among them. These measure would cover incomes, housing, health care, education, social infrastructure, and public transport. Such a government would propose these policies to the people of Europe, over the heads of their government, as an alternative for Europe as well as for each member-state. Obviously, the economic and political policies of such a government would be closely linked to a political strategy aimed at provoking and amplifying social mobilisations across
The key to this programme would be the real desire to eliminate unemployment, through a plan based on the radical reduction of the working week, without loss of pay, in the framework of a reorganisation of an economy which would be re-launched into growth. To do this, such a government would take control of monetary policy, and put it to the service of its social objectives. This would mean non-respect of the single convergence criteria and the stability pact, and ending the independence of the national or
This government would make three rights, what relationship between man and women, what labour code, what democratic liberties, what central state bodies, what rights should employers and employees have within the workplace, what links with the outside world, and so on.
In this field, like in the socio-economic field, a left government would implement the appropriate tactics to mobilise maximum popular support and mobilisation across Europe, so as to widen the breach as far as possible. Whether or not to re-negotiate the existing treaties, whether to proceed slowly or quickly, whether to denounce the status quo in the EU or manoeuvre, these are purely tactical questions.
The approach must be clearly and deeply democratic. It is for the peoples of Europe to decide, and to approve, together, a constitution which will define their co-operation. Such a government could propose a congress of the peoples of Europe, elected by universal suffrage in each country, which would discuss one or several draft constitutions, which would then be submitted to the vote in each country.
This kind of radical democratic approach would also be appropriate if a political crisis developed in the EU, even without a working class offensive, such as could occur during a crisis over monetary union, or if one country rejected the treaty in a referendum. Breaking with capitalism
The dominant classes will not hesitate to react to any challenge to the EU and, above all, to any attempt to create a real social Europe which would threaten their interests. This may result in a trial of force: economic sabotage, financial sabotage, political boycott and external intimidation.
A lett wing government, supported by mobilisations within the country and outside its frontiers, would reply to this provocation, and go forward in its struggle against Capital. * proposals to the other peoples of Europe: Undermining Fortress Europe • the extension of these new policies to the other countries, to begin the construction of a Europe of social rights. • challenging the free circulation of speculative capital. Best of all would be an agreement with the USA and Japan on the taxation of speculative transactions. But
Europe could decide to implement such a tax on its own, since the EU has a strong, relatively autonomous economy. • ending the implementation of convergence towards a single currency, and proposing the creation of a zone of monetary stability, based on quite different criteria of economic and social convergence.
This different Europe would be a continental space, harmonised on the basis of a model of growth based on the satisfaction of the social needs of the society, full employment, respect for the environment, and international co-operation. The people should decide
Throwing the EU into crisis and advancing towards a social Europe implies re-defining the relationship between the member states. This requires a democratic approach, respecting the self-determination of each people, breaking with the despotism of the EU. It is not the governments, but the populations which have the right to decide how they wish to live together. This is not just a question of deciding what degree of supranationality people want: federalism, confederalism, or simple inter-state co-operation. Nor in what institutional form this political power will be expressed: what type of body and election, whether there should be a common parliament, if so what powers should it have, which powers should remain in the orbit of the national administrations, transparency, control functions, and so on. It is also about agreeing the basic principles which any society must have: what property regime (private and social), what fundamental social
On July 19-26, revolutionary aroups from 15 countries will organise the 14m European youth camp in solidarity with the Fourth International.
This year's camp focuses on the European integration process governed by the Maastricht and Schengen accords. The development of the "bosses and cops Europe" involves the looting of the public sector, privatisation of universities, attacks on women's rights, restricting entry across Europe's external frontiers, massive waves of redundancies, and the replacement of full time jobs with part time and precarious
Attacks on wage-earners, young people, women and immigrants are the same in all countries of Europe. And in most countries we can see the development of similar struggles: to defend the public sector, women's rights, and justice for immigrants. This camp is an occasion to share our experiences of these struggles, to co-ordinate our activities, and to come together in opposition to the bosses and cops Europe of Maastricht and Schengen. This camp is about preparing the social and political movements which are the only way to impose another kind of Europe: open, social, ecological and democratic.
This year's camp is hosted by the French group JCR-RED in the Haute-Loire region, near the Mediterranean coast. Over 600 young people from all parts of Europe will come together to exchange their experiences, discuss the social and political struggles in their countries, and to identify the possibilities for co-ordinated international struggle against the capitalist system.
We will share our experiences of the struggle against the Debré immigration laws in France, the international protest of Renault workers against the closure of the Vilvorde plant, the recent mobilisation of university students in Portugal and high school students in Luxemburg, anti-fascist activities, opposition to nuclear power.
We will discuss the European marches against unemployment, exclusion and precarity, in which participants from all countries will have participated
We will also discuss European solidarity with those fighting the imperialist system elsewhere, particularly the Zapatista revolt in
As well as our current struggles, we will also discuss our project for a better society, the need to be a revolutionary today, and how to organise so as to bring about the
But this camp is more than all that. For one short week, we will try to unite leisure, politics, and celebration. At this event, doing politics is also experimenting with a new way of life. Trying to put our ideas into practice.
Register now, for Europe's largest international revolutionary festival! Contact your International Viewpoint seller, or write to any of the addresses on page 36