I* Europe Ex-Yugoslavia Recent elections in Serbia and Bosnia-Herzegovina hardly indicate the emergence of a progressive alternative. Catherine Samary While some resistance to exclusive nationalism was expressed in the Bosnian municipal elections, the rise of Vojislav Seselj's ultra-nationalist Radical Party is a real threat in both countries. The rise of the extreme right Serbian nationalist current testifies to the deep social disintegration of Serbian and Bosnian societies, and the lack of left answers to this central social question.
The hope that Serbian leader Slobodan Milosevic was entering the "beginning of the end" of his rule has fallen short with the collapse of the heterogeneous Zajedno (Together) coalition of "democratic"
bargaining began with Vuk Draskovic, the monarchist leader of the Movement of Serbian Renewal. In conflict with the other Zajedno leaders, Zoran Djindjic of the Democratic Party and Vesna Pesic of the Civic Alliance, Draskovic decided not to boycott the recent elections.
Rumours also say that his deal with the Socialist party included the destitution of Zoran Djindjic as Mayor of Belgrade, among accusations of financial and political abuses of power.
What is sure is that this crisis, coming just before the second round of the presidential elections, together with the taking over of the pro-opposition radio station Studio B by the Socialist Party following the destitution of Djindjic, and finally the repression of street demonstrations in Belgrade all contributed to the very high level of abstentions in the presidential election.
Those who wanted to vote again Milosevic's candidate for the Serbian presidency, Zoran Lilic, could either abstain or vote for Vojislav Seselj. The ultranationalist, who rose to fame as the leader of a racist militia during the civil war. received more first round votes than any other candidate. But since less than half of eligible voters participated, a new election will be held within three months. The danger of the truly fascist and centralising policy (threatening Montenegro and Kosovo) that Seseli represents may lead to the mobilisation of the abstentionists in the re-run. Deals between the Socialist Party and part of the opposition could also take place. Or the opposition may again try to form a coalition against Milosevic and Seselj.
Seselj's social basis is among ethnic Serb refugees from Croatia and Bosnia. They are unwelcome in Serbia, where they are concentrated among the poorest part of Serbian society. The drama is increasingly that the extreme right is the only force which has a "social" discourse. The "left", which aspires to integration in the "modern", civilised world, does not share this concern. Like left parties across Eastern Europe, it concentrates on supporting liberal policies and NATO membership, rather than "social demagogy".
opposition forces.