* Philippines The mid-80s collapse in sugar prices drove thousands of plantation workers on Negros island into the arms of the Communist left. But Maoist policies hindered the development of the popular movements. Most of the local left split from the Communist Party in 1994. Mark Johnson reports on their struggle to rebuild rural poor movements The Communist-led National Federation of Sugar Workers (NFSW-KMU) never managed to unionise more than about 10% of workers on the island's 25,000 haciendas (sugar plantations).
According to local organiser Joe Gatia, "in the old days we had such a radical and militant programme, but we couldn't even organise 20% of the workers! The union was too focused on political work, and didn't do enough real organising on day-to-day issues. Growing frustration of local union leaders was a major factor in the regroupment of most local communists into the breakaway Revolutionary Workers Party. "Some union leaders were convinced that we could organise many more workers, but the KMU rejected our ideas, says Gatia. "We said the unions should focus on workers everyday experience of capitalist exploitation, and fight for better working conditions, higher wages, proper payment, and access to government benefits. The political orientation should follow on from this economic focus. We should educate workers on their basic rights. For those who are interested, we should offer seminars on the political and economic situation, and the challenges facing the labour and progressive movement."
Almost all the sugar union organisers left the NFSW-KMU in 1994. Their new
Democratic Association of Labour Organisations (DALO) is slowly rebuilding a provincial federation of sugar workers. Political division is compounded by legal barriers, and the hostility of local govern-
28 International Viewpoint #313 July 1999 ment in a province absolutely dominated by big hacienda landlords.
For the moment, the emphasis is at the local level. "We left the KMU because the centre constantly interfered in the local chapters," says Gatia. "our new concept involves more stress on the local dynamic. Though obviously we propagate a general orientation on the Philippine situation, and the political nature of our movement.
Once the membership is more consolidated, DALO will put more effort into broad alliances, like the Caucus of Labor in Negros. But the sectarianism of much of the left is a major barrier to closer cooperation. "The KMU's slogan is 'Workers Unite!' but they are obsessed with establishing their own absolute leadership. They are incredibly hostile to us, calling us reformists and deviants."
At a national level, DALO cooperates with the National Federation of Labor Unions (in Manila), and independent organising centres like CLEAR, in the neighbouring province of Cebu. "But it is very hard to work with groups aligned with the KMU or BISIG," says Gatia
Old habits die hard. "Some of the left splits from the Communist Party prefer their little 'empire building' to honest participation in a genuine labour movement. The BMP [led by former CP Manila leader Popoy Lagman] use their labour organisations to boost their own interests. There are all kinds of financial and political deals that we understand, and don't want to be part of." Land reform
According to the National Rural Development Institute (an NGO), land reform has "barely scratched the surface" of the land problem in Negros. Less than half of the 200,000ha earmarked for redistribution has been processed since the reform began eleven years ago. Most of what has been redistributed was unused government land, or land seized to cover landlord's tax arrears or bank debts. The remaining land is mostly privately owned. The land reform administration has the power to purchase and redistribute it, but lacks the necessary funds. To make matters worse, the bonds used to finance the first years of land redistribution are starting to mature.
Progressives working inside the Ministry of Agricultural Reform worry that the current focus on negotiated settlements with landlords could even make matters worse. In some negotiated land transfers, the landlord effectively sells the land to the peasants, who become little more than bonded labourers, struggling to repay their new debts. Other landlords have surrendered their marginal land, but dominate the market in agricultural inputs and sugar cane. They still dominate the economy, but through a commercial rather than landlord mechanism.
"Land reform is a government strategy to neutralise the peasants' struggle for land!" insists Ed Tagbilaran, a leader of the BPNP (a rural poor organisation).
"The government makes a lot of noise about its "programme of sustainable rural development", based on the "Convergence" of the Departments of Agriculture, Agricultural Reform, and Environment and Natural Resources. But this programme has failed, because it accepts all the basic structures of the underdeveloped capitalist economy here in the Philippines."
Over 90% of Negros is in the hands of the landlord class. Most hacienda workers are unaware of the mere possibility of land reform. Department of Agricultural Reform has no public information campaign, and hacienda workers are notoriously ignorant about their rights. Conservative, even feudal ideas still have an influence.
"We should try to exploit every possibility to win land," says Tagbilaran. "But let;s not lose sight of the big picture!" The BPNP, which co-ordinates a federation of over 50 rural poor organisations, still calls for "democratisation of the land," but its immediate concerns are promoting and supporting peasant cooperatives and associations. It also agitates around wages questions. Many peasants do some non-agricultural work, at wages of P70-90 in the service sector, and P100-150 in the construction sector. Many earn less than the minimum Rebel support
The years after the sugar price collapsed saw many spontaneous occupations of land. There have become less frequent, because of the stabilisation of the economy. The decline in guerrilla activity has also made peasants more hesitant about taking such a dramatic step against the landlord class.
Rebel leaders warn that winning land is not enough. "In the 1980s we forcibly redistributed many hectares of land in the areas we controlled," says a former commander of the New People's Army.
"But we were unable to go further than that. Without credit, without technology and without marketing, the peasants are unable to exercise true ownership of the land they farm. * Now active in the
RWP-P, this cadre is convinced "we need to massively expand the legal side of the peasant struggle. Strong, independent peasant organisations can negotiate with the state, banks, and other institutions."
"Of course, if the class struggle escalates, there will be new land
occupations. But on their own, they are insufficient."
Building genuine peasant organısations obliges radical socialists to put many of their long-term projects on hold. "In the NSFW we advocated collectivisation, but this was very difficult to implement," says Gatia. "Peasant culture still places a higher value on individual, family land. We still promote collective ownership, and urge peasants to make collective applications for land reform. When they receive land, we urge them not to subdivide it. But many prefer to try z9niggilin9 * their luck as family farmers. We work with both groups. Over time, we hope to prove that collectivisation brings greater benefits." * Contact: Democratic Association of Labor Organizations, 214-A Chapel Village, Tangub Highway, Bacolod City, 6100 Negros Occidental, Philippines