The last fifteen years can be described as a mid-size war between the PKK and the state. It cannot be justified by a description of day-byday actions. If PKK members acted outside the principles of war, they Philippine colonialism were punished. We always adhered to this policy. Similar conflicts in other Mobilising Mindanao parts of the world were dirtier.
In the past couple of years, even in small towns, hundreds of Kurdish people disappeared or were executed by the state. These atrocities must cease. Both sides must attempt to stop these outrageous acts which do not meet even the minimum standards of the principles of war...
The latest elections show that the Kurdish people have successfully passed the test of democratisation. There is no need for violence anymore. A new era has opened the way for democracy...
The most practical way to stop the violence is for the government to accept the recent PKK call for a ceasefire. By accepting the cease-fire, trust is created, then comes the silencing of arms.
Integration of the Kurdish people with the state will occur. Negative perceptions and distrust of the state changed to positive perceptions and trust.
The basis for rebellion and confrontation will be finished. If fundamental membership in Turkey, a collective, constitutional citizenship, is united with individual freedom, they will result in the resolution of the majority of the problems...
When a halt is put to armed conflict, all the illegal organisations so far will have to reinvent themselves in
National struggles in the southern island of Mindanao have an progressive dynamic. Revolutionary Marxists must work within those national movements, paying particular attention to the progressive elements of national culture. This document reflects the general strategy of the Revolutionary Workers Party of the Philippines (RPM-P), which is associated with the Fourth International. [JD] 1. The development of capitalism in the Philippines is uneven. The emergence of the Philippines as a nation state was a result of an external imposition by colonialist Spain and imperialist United States. But on the island of Mindanao, state formations already existed before the colonialist invasion. The Muslim Moro people had a Sultanate, while the anamist population had the Timuay Government.
Modern Filipino nationalism started with Andres Bonifacio's Katipunan revolt against the Spanish. This was initially concentrated only in the northern island of Luzon, but its leadership was taken over by emerging local bourgeoisie (ilustrados). From here, articulation of Filipino nationalism and the building of a Republic started. After the defeat of Spain, the Republic of the Philippines was formed under the dictate of American imperialists who instituted policies and programmes based on the majority, Filipino culture and national identity. 2.The socio-cultural and eco-political system of the minority nationalities were destroyed and collapsed because of the forced installation of Western political system and the exploitation of their natural wealth and resources by the Philippine reactionary state and imperialist countries. The same reactionary and imperialist forces undermined and rejected the significant level of development reached by the minority nationality. 3. The Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) has a rigid policy of "one nationality in one country".
Filipino socialists demonstrate against the a democratic system. Under a general amnesty, when legal and political massacre in East Timor. The new left in
Indonesia traces its origins to small means of expression are respected, groups influenced, sometimes trained, by democratisation will take a stronger hold...
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The full version of Öcalan's testimony, and reactions from other PKK leaders, are available on the Internet.
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International Viewpoint #315 October 1999
This framework blatantly expresses the illegitimacy of the Moro people and other minority nationalities (Lumad, Cordillera) to struggle for national identity, and fails to recognise the minority nationalities' capability of launching a national revolution.
The CPP justifies its position by reference to China's cultural revolution, which downgraded national minorities to purely cultural groups (Philippine Society and Revolution). 4. The State and the CPP deny the exploited minority the right to build their own state and nation. Both enforces a policy of "One State, One People". But in reality the Philippines is composed of many nationalities, with specific political, economic and cultural systems. They have their own history and level of development.
True Communist activity should not enforce its own programmes and policies over the minority nationalities without giving due consideration their ethnicity, particularities and peculiarities of their socio-cultural and political structures. On the national question 5. The basis of the national question is the continuous oppression and exploitation of peoples. This oppression is intensified within the capitalist system. Until the oppression of peoples persist to exist, there will be no answer to the national question, and the struggle of the minority nationalities to achieve genuine freedom will continue. So it is essential for Communists to abolish and dismantle all forms of oppression and exploitation, and to answer the national question of oppressed peoples.
Karl Marx viewed the development of capitalist system as the reason for the emergence of National State. He suggested that the abolition of oppression and exploitation would lead to the withering of the state and of social classes, and thus to the abolition of the national question. 6. But in the Philippine context, particularly in Moro and (anamist indigenous) Lumad societies, the development of society and its transformation from one stage to another was incomplete. Development in the Philippines is mestizo. Before the feudal system was fully introduced, it was forcibly interrupted by the capitalist system through the intrusion of American colonisers. As a result, elements of communal, slave and feudal systems still persist among the national minorities. These societies have a multiple mode of production, though with a strong influence and domination of capitalism. And this capitalist domination will intensify in the period of neo-liberal globalisation. 7. In the society of Moro people and other minorities, clan consciousness and clan contradictions are stronger than class. Revolutionary Marxists in the region have developed a clan and ethnic approach in arousing, organising and mobilising their own ranks. Though it is also true that the intensification of capitalist domination in Mindanao has encouraged the development of class consciousness, especially among Moro people where significant numbers have become capitalist landlords, traders and bourgeois comprador elements. This development is much less common in the Lumad communities.
Class contradiction within the capitalist system actually is a major factor in the intensification of clan contradiction within the Moro and
Marxists increasingly realise that clan contradiction is an extension of class contradiction between oppressors and oppressed in the Philippines. This means that a solid combination of clan and class approaches is the only way to arouse, organise, and mobilise the Moro and Lumad peoples against capitalism. 8. The National Question is not limited to the struggle of the minority nationality against national oppression by the reactionary state and imperialism. Within Lumad and Moro societies, there are elements of oppression and exploitation of the domimeans that the national question will not end even if the Moro or Lumad win their struggle against the reactionary within their own society. 9. The Moro people and other nationalities have experienced many fights and confrontations since the start of Spanish and American colonialisation in the Philippines. This struggle continues, this time against the Multi-National Corporations (MNC'S) and Transnational Corporations (TNC's). This struggle enables Moro and Lumad people to understand that the worsening national oppression is brought about by the capitalist system. Their rich experience of struggle has made it relatively easy to spread awareness of the dialectical relationship between national oppression and the evils of capitalism.
Moro and Lumad people can easily relate the vanishing and destruction of their ancestral domain to capitalism. Revolutionary Marxists are finding it relatively easy to explain to them who and what forces are destroying their life and future and why and how it was destroyed and vanished.
In this context, the role of organised Marxist intervention is to help systemathe minority nationalities' form of struggle and raise the level of their organisation to effectively address the national oppression perpetuated by capitalist Oppressed peoples' nationalism 1. The struggle of national minority is not only aimed against the local and national bourgeoisie. It is also directly aimed against foreign capitalists and imperialists. The national minority struggle indirectly and directly weakens the national and international bourgeoisie. The Moro people and other minority nationalities are not only calling for national liberation. More importantly, they are calling for international freedom and peace. This gives their struggle an international content
This makes it all the more important for Communists to to fully support and actively work with the oppressed peoples in their struggle. Marxists understand the dialectic relationship between the national struggle and the struggle of the proletariat for internationalism. 2. Obviously, the fundamental problem confronting Filipino workers and other classes of society is very similar to the basic problem confronting the Moro and Lumad. The democratic struggle of the minority nationality is related to and parts of the socialist struggle of the proletariat. The revolution of the minority nationality has a progressive and socialist element. Lenin himself clarified the dialectic relation between internationalism and the right to self-determination. 3. Revolutionary Marxist organisers must recognise the culture and justice system of the minority nationality. Democratic and socialist element
International Viewpoint #315 October 1999 25
* Philippines of their culture such as working collectively, untiringly struggle against the oppressors, and swift justice should be developed and linked to the international culture and justice system of the proletariat. 4. The issue of ancestral domain is dealt with under the leadership of their Council of Elders. Its is clear in the practice of the minority nationality that land falls within the framework of collective ownership. They have long and rich experience on communal ownership of production. Revolutionary agitators will help raise these practices to a scientific and revolutionary level. 5. The revolutionary struggle must also deal with the wide range of forms of governance. In Moro society, there are 13 ethno-linguistic groupings, with different levels of political governance. The three largest are the Sultanate of Maguindanaw, the Sultanate of Sulu, and the Pat A Pangampong Ko Ranaw". They have a feudal character.
The Lumad people have 18 major ethno-linguistic groupings. Like the Moro people, they also have their own political structure. The most important is the Timuay Government, which has a communal character. Revolutionary Marxists are helping to develop this kind of governance into a progressive and revolutionary form.
But revolutionary Marxists also recognise and accept the desire of the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) to build their own state in Mindanao. o
In fact, they support all progressive and revolutionary governments of Moro people, other minority nationalities, and oppressed Filipinos.
Most revolutionary Marxists would prefer to see a federation or confederation of governments of the three peoples who live in Mindanao-Moro, Lumad and Filipino settler. But it is the peoples themselves who must decide. The main objective of the national and people's struggle
The main objective of the revolutionary struggle of Moro, Lumad, Cordillera and oppressed Filipinos is to end all national oppressions and exploitations. Oppressed peoples will achieve genuine freedom and democracy by achieving their right to self-determination. But the national question will only be resolved when state, class, and clan ceases to exist in the society of Moro, Lumad, Cordillera and Filipino.
Even if the proletariat starts the 26 @International Viewpoint #315 October 1999 socialist revolution and socialist construction, the Party must continue to support the struggle towards the attainment of right to self-determination of the said nations and peoples. Because even if the democratic and socialist revolution is won, the problem of national oppression and exploitation will not automatically disappear. Political Character of the National Struggle
The political character of the movement for national liberation is democratic and anti-imperialist struggle. But this is closely related to the proletarian struggle and is heading towards socialist struggle. National struggle and socialist struggle are interrelated. The success of the national struggle of oppressed peoples is the success of the struggle of the proletariat and vice-
The proletariat cannot separate its struggle from the national struggle and the social movement.
The national struggle towards the achievement of genuine freedom is a political and ideological issue of national question. The struggle for national freedom is a struggle of influence between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat. According to Marx, in the development of a nation and the world, the class factor has a big implication and influence in the development of proletarian internationalism.
So revolutionary Marxists cannot simply ignore the national struggle of oppressed peoples. It cannot leave the struggle to the bourgeoisie. The battle between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie does not just take place in the socialist revolution. It also takes place in the democratic and anti-imperialist struggle of minority nationality and oppressed majority. These two struggles are equally important.
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Immediate democratic and socialist demands
Oppressed peoples have two but interrelated democratic and socialist demands. These are the issue of land and the socialisation of means and ownership of production.
The issue of agrarian reform is not limited to land distribution. It must include land development This means genuine implementation of agrarian reform towards a genuine and peoplesbased industrialisation. In this framework, the development of agriculture is the development of industry and viceversa, in a strategy that is not destructive to nature.
One of the most important democratic and socialist demands is the socialisation of ownership of production and the development of the means and forces of production. This is also an issue on how to transform individual and private farms into collective farms.
This programme must not progress through imposition but through persuasion--by convincing the peasantry that collective farms, collective ownership is more advanced than individual farming and private ownership. To convince and persuade them is through implementation not by declaration. But this demand will never be fully realised and materialised until the means of production is still at the hands and control of the ruling class.
On the other hand, acquiring and claiming back the ancestral domain of the minority nationality is directly related to the seizure of political power. Ancestral domain is the core content of their struggle towards the right to self-determination.
This expresses their life and future. This is the foundation of their political power. The minority nationality must be freed completely from the control and oppression of the bourgeoisie and foreign and local capitalists.
It is only through this freedom that the minority nationality can achieve their democratic and socialist demand.
The Right to Self-Determination is not only an issue of economy and culture. It is above all a political issue. Marxists must recognises their right to form a state, association, or federation even up to the level of secession.
Here, Lenin clarified that it is their right to form or not to form their own national state. This issue solely lies in their hands.
The task of revolutionary Marxists is to help them advance the struggle for self-determination towards the attainment of genuine freedom and democracy. *