Elections under military surveillance mittees had an almost exclusively electoral function. groups have already begun to emerge within them especially on the question of the amnesty and freedom for political prisoners. This has given these committee structures a dynamic which is both activist and long-lasting, and which goes
November 25 saw Uruguay's first general election for 13 years.
Sanguinetti, pro-US head of the bourgeois Colorado Party, president with 39 per cent of the vote.
the Senate and Chamber of Representatives since cross voting was not
Although marking the end of 11 years of military rule the outcome was one favoured by the dictatorship.
The elections took place amid rumours of official filtering and isolated incidents of violence.
In a tightly controlled 'transition' the military regime had secured an agreement with the leaders of the Colorado Party and the left-wing
Frente Amplio which represented a serious infringement of democratic rights. It meant that, for example, two key figures in the elections including the leader of the Frente Amplio, Liber Seregni were not allowed
Nevertheless, the elections did demonstrate growing support for the
Frente Amplio who in the key provincial vote lost the majority in Montevideo by less than two per cent. Across the country they received 20 per cent of the vote, which, though bourgeois commentators are quick to it was nevertheless up on results in the past elections in 19 an predicted,
In this article, written before the elections, we examine the background and analyse the positions of the left in Uruguay.
For the first time since the coup d'etat in 1973 general elections will be held in
Uruguay on November 25. They mark a crucial new stage in the process of transition of the Latin American dictatorships since the controlled loosening up and the elections in Brazil in 1982, the fall of the dictatorial Garcia Meza regime in and of the Argentine generals
The Uruguayan dictatorship has distinguished itself by its failure to establish any kind of legitimacy.
pudiated in the constitutional referendum that it organised in 1980. It was defeated in 1982 in the internal elections of the political parties, which saw a victory of those opposing the candidates favoured by the military. It has never managed to impose a mechanism of control on the trade-union movement.
Since May 1, 1983, repeated blows by mass movement have shaken the regime more and more. In November 1983, a united front meeting of all the opposition organisations brought 40,000 people to the capital Montevideo, in a country where the total population is 2,500,000. In January
1984, the Inter-union Workers Plenum
(PIT) organised the first successful gen-
On May 1 following, 350,000 workers in front of a platform from which, at the request of the combative oil workers' union, representatives of the was elected His party will also dominate bourgeois parties had been excluded. On June 16, a new wave of demonstrations developed in a campaign for amnesty for political prisoners and the return of all those living in exile. Finally on June 27, in response to a call from the PIT, a new 'national peoples strike' received the support of the entire opposition.
This rise in the mass movement is not simply reducible to a series of mobilisations for various activities. It went hand in hand with a massive and profound reorganisation of the workers movement on the trade-union and political level.
The setting up of the PIT, for example, marked the continuation of the unitary tradition of the National Workers Central (CNT), which the dictatorship dissolved. The outlawing of the PIT after the general strike in January 1984 has had little effect in practice. (1)
In November 1983, the Frente Amplio (FA) which had been a pole of attraction for the left in the 1971 elections, where they gained 18 per cent of the votes, made its reappearance. It is mainly made up of four different organisations: Communist Party (P) Socialist Party Democracy (DC), the (PS) and a coalition of groups of the extreme left and the independent trade unions under the name of the Independent Democratic Left (IDI).
Of these four components only the Socialist Party and the Christian Democracy were legalised. In a few months time, the organisation at the base of the Frente Amplio took a huge leap forward, beyond the elections.
In terms of its political function, apart from any variations in its programme, the FA stands for three fundamental they are for the unification of the workers' and peoples' struggle against the dictatorship. ward in a context where the actual overthrow of the dictatorship would remain to be achieved after November 25 and will require defeating all attempts to carry out a succession that would maintain a continuity of the regime. aspiration for unity, therefore, also re-
Secondly, in practice, the FA has broken with the bourgeois two-party system based on the Colorado and Blanco National Parties. It is the workers' organisations (PC, PS, IDI) that constitute the centre of gravity of the FA. The presence within it of the Christian Democracy is certainly significant, but it is important to emphasise that this formation, despite its name, is not compar able to the Christian Democracy in Chile, for example. Because of the existence of the traditional two-party system, it is more an organisation of the petty bourgeoisie that participated in the resistance to the dictatorship.
Finally, the character of the FA is reinforced by the links existing between it and the unified trade-union organisation, PIT. The FA is the political expression of the driving forces behind the PIT - that is, the independent trade unionists, Communists, Socialists and the far left.
After the days of action on June 16 and 27, and in the face of the growing reorganisation of the mass movement, the political situation seemed to have come to an impasse for the dictatorship. The negotiations of the traditional parties (Blanco and Colorado) with the military had reached a dead end. Neither the date nor the rules of the election had yet been worked out. The fate of the prisoners and the 'proscribed' (those excluded trom political rights), the latter category including the leader of the National Party
Ferreira Aldunate, exiles, still posed a major obstacle on the path to possible compromises between the dictatorship and the bourgeois parties.
The military and the traditional bourgeoisie were, however, urgently needed to 1. See IV, No 54, June 4, 1984.
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find a way out of the situation. Already the bourgeois opposition had been forced to go in behind the national strike initiative launched by the PIT on June 27. In contrast to the Argentine situation, the mass movement could accelerate and upset plans for a controlled transition that were being concocted by both the bourgeoisie and the military.
As a result of negotiations that were conducted virtually in secret, without information going to the base and withthe leadership FA itself, in the end, helped the bourgeoisie and the military to get out of this tight corner. They signed the so-called Naval Club agreements with the Colorado Party and the government last August. These agreements fixed the date and conduct of the elections, in exchange for opposition concessions in the area of demo-
These were as follows:
- That there would be no general amnesty prior to the elections.
That some political parties (like the Communist Party and the far left as well as political leaders would remain
This would mean that, for example, Ferreira Aldunate for the National Party (Blanco) and Liber Seregni for the FA, would not be able to stand.
The Naval Club invented the concept of a 'state of insurrection' - an unwould enable military justice, if the case arose, to over-
The Constituent Assembly was to be elected by the November 25 elections would not be able to annul these agreements for at least a year.
These agreements evidently constituted a three-sided comprise. dropped the democratic demands, and in so doing, compromised the legitimacy of the elections themselves, since so many proscribed and banned people would be excluded from them. They also undermined the sovereignty of the future conInternational Viewpoint 10 December 1984
Demonstrating for amnesty in Uruguay (DR) stituent assembly, placing it in a straight-
In fact, these agreements represent a modification without consultation or debate of the 1967 constitution, whose full had previously been demanding. Free all political prisoners
The justification being given by the FA leaders for signing these agreements was that the mass movement had reached its peak in the June mobilisations, and that it had become necessary to attempt to get out of the impasse. standpoint, all future progress depended on the opening up of the electoral process in a country which has the strongest democratic and parliamentary traditions in Latin America. Some argued that the Naval Club agreements were nothing but a scrap of paper to leave the military a way out, and that once the Assembly was elected they could immediately convene new elections, this time without restric-
The agreements, in tact, had a rather
Their immediate ef fect was to reduce the mass movement to a state of passivity and to block any further progress, in anticipation of what the elections would reveal. Behind this conpact some very important things are at stake. The effects of the economic and social crisis are such and reorganisation of the masses so thorough-going that, unlike in Argentina
Brazil, the achieve both a constitutional pact (which it got in the Naval Club agreements) and a social pact, which has not yet materialised, before even opening up the
It appears, within this perspective, that after the acceptance by the FA of the agreement, the leaders of the munist Party in fact were put toward the head of the list in the release of political detainees and the return of exiles. This seemed to be to give them a sort of boost toward reestablishing their control over a movement which had been badly damaged. In fact, after his liberation last March the well-known leader of the FA, Liber Seregni, stepped-up his appeals for moderation and dialogue, as others have done more recently, when he appeared at the Latin American conference of the Socialist International which took place in Rio de Janeiro in September.
The initial programme of the FA [for the elections] has been watered down and is today a long way away from the demands put forward in the PIT platform. (2) This new programme calls for strict delimitation of the proper tasks of the army, including raising its 'professional and ethical level. On the other hand, it fails to put forward any proposals for an enquiry into torture or for charges against the torturers. In Uruguay, in fact, the practice of torture reached such levels that the bringing to justice of the torturers and the purging of the repressive institutions could become as explosive an issue as that of the 'missing persons' in
The FA programme takes up the rights of workers to participation and control in the various social, economic and political fields but it has no specific demand on wages or jobs. recovery of the buying power lost under the dictatorship or for the rehiring of all workers who were victimised for trade-union activity have to be seen as basic democratic demands, as well as social de
Finally, although the new programme reasserts the need for a planned economy and for the nationalisation of the banks, in very general terms, it is quite evasive about the need to reject the policies of the International Monetary Fund, and says nothing about the payment of debts or the possibility of a unilateral mora-
In fact, in the drawing up of this programme, every door seems to have been left open to the signing of a social pact and for a compromise on the economic and social demands of the popular masses. Indeed, these questions were issues even
Ferreira Aldunate's National Party (Blanco) is the only one of the large organisations that has not signed the Naval Club agreements.
had, at least partially, snatched the mantle of democratic intransigence from the FA. There is no doubt that its apparent radicalism has earned the party an important audience especially among the youth. the same time as rejecting this agreement, the National Party was also deeply involved in the negotiations on the social pact that began in August.
This is in fact the nub of the situation.
such as the liberation of all prisoners, starting with the
historic leader of the National Liberation Movement (Tupamaros), Raul Sendic, and the return of the exiles, such as the old leaders of the March 26 Movement (an organisation of the revolutionary left, Ruben Sassano and Benedetti, very explosive demands. are demands that already tend to combine and directly link up with fundamen-
As on the question of democratic rights, with the constitutional pact, the Frente seemed prepared to make a compromise on these social questions as well. But in this area they will run into organised resistance from the ranks of the PIT, which will be a lot sharper than that provoked by the signing of the Naval Club agreements. The PIT congress initially set for September of this year was eventually postponed until after the elections, perhaps because of a fear that it might adopt positions in contradiction with the compromises which the FA leadership has been fixing up behind the scenes.
This is also the reason why the FA leadership has been stalling since last March in answering the request to extend membership of the front to organas the March 26 Movement and the Socialist Workers Party (PST - an organisation that has asked for membership of the Fourth International), who have a right to be members since they participated in the formation of the
As the comrades of the PST note, the two latter organisations have never attempted to build any other kind of alwhich called, in 1982, for a vote for the National Party, and during that time held up the prospect of a long-term alliance with that party. But it appears that any member organisation of the FA has the right to veto its decisions. The Independent Democratic Left has already criticised the Naval Club agreements.
The incorporation of new revolutionary currents into the FA would strengthen the combative wing of the movement, and that is why the leadership decided to drag the thing out and not to admit any new organisations until after the elections. Basically, the refusal of the FA leadership to respond positively to the demand of the PST for membership is a response to the latter's denunciation of the Naval Club agreements and its rejection of any kind of social pact (see following documents for the position of the PST on
Under the Uruguayan electoral system, every party or legalised political isation can put forward a candidate for the election of the president of the republic. The election of MPs and councillors is done through the presentation of lists and sub-lists, which are put up by parties or factions within political organisations like the FA' (3) Within this juridical framework, the PST decided to call for a vote for the Frente Amplio in the presidential elections others to call specifically for a vote for the IDI slate within the FA.
Esto No Es Una Jaula Vacia;
Es Un Pájaro En LIBERTAD
It is a bird that has been freed.' (DR)
In a statement on October 8, the PST Frente Amplio represents a framework for unity of the parties and groups that seek to represent the working class and popular masses that cannot be bypassed.
"That is why, despite our differences with the current majority of the assembly we are marching alongside the mass of Frente supporters who see in this organisation an instrument for unity that will enable them to take the first steps on the road to a complete break with the and imperialism. But added to what we have already said about the FA, a new political factor has to be taken into account which is very important: political project outlined by the Democratic Independent Left and which is developing today within the Frente....
•We refer to the position of IDI for the socialisation of the duction and for class struggle as the driving force of such a transformation, and to the strategy based on the mobilisation of the people. We refer also to the decision of this organisation to devote itself to building a Uruguayan revolutionary socialist party whose backbone would be the organised working class...That is why the PST is supporting the candidates of the IDI and is actively taking part in the electoral campaign in accordance with this
In an open letter to the comrades of the IDI, on the same day, the PST explained more precisely the meaning they attached to this vote by stating that 'we think that it is essential to get a vote for working-class and popular unity that can promote the interests of the workers and popular masses. This will be a vote that and cooperative movements, which is for human rights and other expressions of the popular movement. It will be a vote for wages and working conditions, for a democratic educational system and for a policy to provide health care and housing for the people. It will be a vote for a break from the starvation policies of the IMF. It will be a vote for a full amnesty without restriction for political prisoners, the return of the exiles and the lifting of all proscriptions imposed on individuals or parties. It will be a vote for the reappearance of the detained 'missing persons' and for the trial and punishment those responsible for the crimes, tortures and disappearances. In fact we believe that it will be a vote for the complete and utter defeat of the dictatorship - for the construction of a socialist Uruguay!
To organise this electoral campaign the PST opened discussions with the IDI. But what is at stake in these talks goes beyond the issue of the elections themselves. Despite its heterogeneity, the IDI basically organises the main sections of the combative and revolutionary lett. It embraces the Party for the Victory of
People (PVP); the United Action Group (GAU), which is organised around textile trade-union leader, Hector Rodriguez. Most importantly, it includes a number of independent trade unionists and members of the March 26 Movement, such as Victor Semproni, the coordinator of PIT and the leader of the bank employees' union.
IDI published a draft programme which was adopted last August (see following pages), and proposes to constitute itself as a party at a congress that will take place in 1985. The general parameters of the draft programme represent an important advance. The positions adopted by IDI followed the lines of a class-struggle orientation, rejecting the Naval Club agreements as well as the proposed social pact.
Between the general project for a socialist and pluralist society and the IDI's immediate class-struggle demands on social and democratic questions, there is a missing link. That is, there is no intermediate-term strategic perspective. But the situation coming out of the elections will undoubtedly pose new challenges and will force all those involved in the IDI to make new political definitions.
It is likely that the differences which have already appeared within the Frente Amplio will grow under the pressure of having to confront the question of what attitude to take to the proposals for a social pact in the upcoming PIT congress, as well as the problems of governmental and municipal-level coalitions, and the continuation of the fight for democracy.
A clarification of IDI around these points could create new conditions for building a revolutionary party firmly im planted in the Uruguayan workers' movement and for achieving a synthesis of several experiences and traditions that have developed in the recent history of the workers' movement in this country. •
In this way the FA can put forward several slates for the legislative and municipa elections, representing the various currents within it. All the parties and coalitions operate this way. The winner is the party of the coalithat gets the highest total of votes on all the slates it endorses Then, the seat goes to slate within the winning coalition that got the highest vote.
International Viewpoint 10 December 1984
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ference of the entire organised workers' after a thoroughgoing dismovement, cussion amongst the rank and file.
From this point of view any kind of secret or private negotiations must be