GDR reply to Prague Appeal
DOCUMENT
### PEACE MOVEMENT
For us a more important element of your Appeal is its position on the German question. Because this question arouses strong resentments in many European states we are glad that it is you who have taken up a position on it and that you call for a discussion of the issue. Germany's significance in the European arena means that we, as Germans, have a
THE FOLLOWING text is the reply of some of the most prominent members of the East German peace movement to the Prague Appeal. (1) To the signatories of the Prague Appeal. Dear friends,
Your Appeal of March 11, 1985, has met with a great response from amongst us. As you know, for some time we have also been discussing the problems - and their possible solutions - to which you address yourselves in the Appeal. We greet and support your aim of starting a common discussion and give our support to the Appeal.
We also believe the division of Europe and the superpower tensions which have resulted from it to be a major threat to peace. We believe that this threat to human life has a pernicious influence and that it prevents constructive thinking on present and future problems (hunger, social injustice, the environment etc.) Against the military blocs
As far as the main points of your Appeal are concerned, we agree with you on the demands for the withdrawal of foreign troops from roved relations between the states involved. But what changes have actually taken place in both our countries? There has been no progress in the democratisation of our societies, nor has either state made a decisive contribution to ending the arms race, for instance with unilateral disarmament initiatives.
Helsinki did not challenge the existing political and military status quo in Europe in the detente era. There would basically be nothing wrong with this if it vi were taken to be the starting point for the transformation of the status quo. Our goal should be to push for such a transformation. In doing this we of course should not nor could not act as if there were no governments or politicians who could set such a challenge in motion. To do so would also be to ignore political power as it exists. We should examine and support every move which encourages the political developments we desire. For this reason we agree with you when you say that we should use the CSCE Final Act more than we have previously as a means of taking our governments at their word. Your work in recent years has demonstrated the possibility of doing this.
special responsibility. We believe that a solution of the European question is not possible without a solution of the German question. German history, however, urges us to proceed cautiously and with respect for the fears of those countries which suffered at Germany's hands. All possible solutions to the German question must be discussed if the division of Europe is to be overcome. The Germans should do this together with all the peoples of Europe, for today self-determination can only contribute to detente and to an overcoming of the division of our continent if it respects the interests of all other European peoples. The solution to the German question can therefore only play a role if it is part and parcel of a treaty encompassing all of Europe. The question of conclusion of a peace treaty with both German states will be of significance in the framework of such a process. Key points would be the fulfilment of the Potsdam Treaty, where it refers to the demilitarisation of Germany, and the final ratification of the German borders in existence since 1945.
We regard the transformation of social and political relations in our countries as an important precondition for the attainment of all the goals which all the European peace move-
1. See IV No. 67, January 14, 1985.
Europe, for the dissolution of the military blocs and for the creation. of a European peace order which gives all states equal sovereign rights. We formulated our suggestions on NachRüstung kommt Krieg these matters in the letter we wrote to the US Congress on the anniversary of the liberation from fascism [English text of this letter is in Disarmament Campaigns, June 1985.]
You are right to say that up to now the peace movement has not paid much attention to the CSCE [Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe] process. A major reason for this is perhaps that we find it difficult to accept that the Helsinki negotiations took place between states which were really independent of their superpowers and whose alliance loyalties were suddenly no longer of consequence. Of course there have been successes since Helsinki. A series of bilateral treaties have imp14
"After armament comes war"
International Viewpoint 24 March 19HE
DOCUMENT ments are pursuing with the aim of creating a peaceful and undivided Europe. These efforts can only be successful if they are based on an overcoming of the military and economic status quo. On the one hand weapons of mass destruction and offensive conventional weaponry must be abolished and the production of so-called defensive systems, which in reality perpetuate the arms race (SDI, [Strategic Defense Initiative]), must be prevented. On the other hand, we must question existing value systems, change our ways of life, replace outof-date ideologies with concrete utopias, and we must make it possible again to think about the future instead of always devising new models of growth. Powerlessness and resignation, fear and prejudice, intolerance the complete development of one's individuality. As well as making the obvious demand for free access to all educational institutions, a task for us is also to make possible education independent of all existing institutions.
In order to strengthen itself the grassroots emancipation movement requires both free access to information and communication of all forms, across borders and in solidarity against any form of oppression and manipulation. We see in your Appeal the beginning of intensive cooperation between you and us, and we look forward to it.
*We must begin to act as if a
PEACE MOVEMENT united, neutral and pacific Europe already existed" (from the Appeal of the Bertrand Russell Peace Foundation). Gabi Beehtle, Baerbel Bohley, Werner Fischer, Rainer Fluegge, Monika Haeger, Rene Hill, Ralf Hirsch, Almut Ilsen, Martin Koenig, Martina Krone, Irena Kukutz, Gisela Metz, Lutz Nagorski, Gerd Poppe, Ulrike Poppe, Ruediger Rosenthal, Jutta Seidel, Reinhard Schult, Wolfram Tschieche, Mario Wetzky, Rainer Eppelmann.
Berlin, June 8, 1985