2. See 'IV' No. 79, July 1, 1985.
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PEACE MOVEMENT
On the question of democratic freedoms, the Prague Appeal is sufficiently ambiguous to give rise to contradictory Those, particularly in the East, who democracy" and in whose eyes the United States is all-virtuous, reproach the authors of the Appeal for not acknowledging that the only military aggressor is the Soviet Union. (In the following dossier see the text of Politikus with Peter Uhl's sharp response.) Others, like the activists of the East-West initiative of West Berlin, or we ourselves, feel the need in their responses to stress of democratic rights in the West, best illustrated by the scorn with governments treat the opinions of the majority of the population, particularly in the realm of military policy.
Nearly all the contributions insist on the total absence of democratic freedoms in the East, a point that is explicitly confronted in the occurred assumes such importance. We hope that the forum which will be held in Milan on April 11-13, will push forward the debate on the various problems that are raised in the extracts we are publishing and particularly on the question of the division of Germany, to which we have not been able to grant the space that it merits in the dossier that follows.
For our part, we are convinced that the antiwar movement can only social movement if it is articulated around slogans of a simple comprehensible to everyone. In this the demands for unilateral disarmament addressed to governabsolutely whether they turn on the withdrawal of the deployed nuclear missiles or
DOCUMENT on any other aspect of a military policy that we are challenging. But to simply say that is not enough to resolve the crisis the movement is undergoing, a crisis both of stategy and leadership. In order to overcome this crisis it will be necessary to define an orientation that takes into account the realities of the economic and social systems on both sides of "the Iron Curtain" and the necessity for their radical transformation in order for the perspective of a united, democratic and peaceful Europe to become a reality. It is because the debate launched by the publication of the Prague Appeal helps to proceed along this road that we have decided to publish important extracts from it. We begin our dossier with the text of the Appeal itself.
The Prague Appeal
The question of the unification of Europe
THE PRAGUE appeal was signed on March 11, 1985, and presented
Another theme - for us an essen- to the END convention in Amsterdam the following July. The
- on which the text remains document was made available by Palach Press and translated for silent is that of the social, economic and political transformations without which there can be no question independent The East German contribution, which we are publishing in the dossier that signed by leading individuals in the independent peace movement of the German Democratic Republic (GDR), confronting problem head-on. For the signatories of this text it is a prerequisite and decisive question for the unification of our continent on a peaceful basis. How can we imagine putting an end to the division if we do not attack of the evil? If we do not at the logic of an economic system in the West that is the cause all social and political injustice, of unemployment, of poverty, of the destruction of the environment? And in the East, if we do not attack the maintenance of a totalitarian regime which a bureaucratic minority, monopolizing the management of the means of production, most elementary needs of the masses in order to preserve its own privileges, goes one better than the imperialist military policy and imposes an absurd economic policy, which is catastrophic for the development of the country and for the standard of living?
It is in this context that the debate over the division of Europe and the historical, political and social context 12 them by AG Brian. Dear Friends, It is 40 years now since there was a war on European soil. Notwithstanding, Europe has not been a continent of peace. Far from it! As Europe has been one of the main points of friction between the two power blocs, tension has been a permanent feature throughout the period, thereby posing a threat to the entire world. Were a war to break out here, it would turn not only into a world conflict but most likely into one that would prove fatal for the entire planet.
reason Europe has this baleful role is the divided state of our continent. Our common hope, therefore, lies in overcoming division. This can only be achieved through a conscious decision by all to gradually transform the very political realities which are responsible for the present situation. A shaky status quo
One reason why the state of nonwar has lasted 40 years is the fact that both sides have respected situation created when the spheres of military operations agreed on at Yalta degenerated into military and political blocs. What governs the continued efforts to maintain, defend and strengthen the status quo are fears about destabilisaton of the balance that has been achieved. For this reason, a process of change will call for great sensitivity. It cannot accompanied of achieving superiority on either side. On the contrary, it will require guarantees and assurances, as well as an evaluation of the present situation in all its component aspects. It will be essential to acknowledge the present state of affairs as the basis for change to dispel fears of a revival of the old dangers which have led to catastrophe twice in this century already. However, the chances of moving beyond the present situation are not altogether as unfavourable as they might seem.
The Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe and its Final Act signed in Helsinki, are, like the subsequent talks and the final document of Madrid [follow-up conference to Helsinki] not just an acknowledgement of the status quo, but also constitute a programme of European and Euro-American cooperation. Throughout this process, the negotiations have not been conducted between the blocs but between equa International Viewpoint 24 March 1986
Peace protest in East Berlin, July 1985 (DR)
partners, a fact which has underlined the independence of all participating states and established in principle the sort of relations which, if implemented, would open the way to the unification of Europe. Furthermore, the principle of the indivisibility of
La legacy of European culture, has been embodied in relations not only between states, but also between state and society, and between citizens and governments.
The requirement that governments should fulfil all their undertakings and obligations has not been made full use of by the peace movement. Such binding agreements sanctioned constitute a framework whereby citizens may not governments but also find imaginative ways of loosening ossifed positions. Because of the great variety of conthe different countries, there has been a tendency to stress dissimilarities. However, these must be fully grasped and respected if a common approach and European solidarity are to be achieved.
A democratic and sovereign Europe is inconceivable so long as individual citizens, groups of citizens or nations are denied the right to take part in decisions affecting not only their everyday lives, but also their very
Within a framework of cooperation and dialogue among those who genuinely seek to overcome the present dangerous situation, it should be possible to come forward with different disarmament initiatives and proposals: the creation of nuclearand neutral zones; the encouragement of relations between individuals, groups and states; for agreements on non-agression, as well as the renunciation of the use of force or nuclear weapons; and, finally, regional treaties of all kinds, including, for example, rapprochement between the EEC [European Economic Community] (1) and the CMEA [Council for Mutual Economic Assistance]. (2) Within this framework citizens would be able to campaign against the insensitive treatment of the environment word, analyse government policies and their likely effects. In short, necessary to support all actions by individuals, groups and governments seeking the rapprochment and free association of European nations while rejecting any measures which might postpone or thwart the achievement The German question
In our pursuit of these aims we can no longer avoid those issues which have so far been taboo, one of which is the division of Germany.
If our aim is European unification, then no one can be denied the right to self-determination; and this equally to the Germans. As with all other rights, though, this enforced at the expense of other peoples, nor by way of ignoring their fears. Let us therefore declare unequivocally that no solution shall be sought through a further revision of European frontiers. In the process of European rapprochement, frontiers should gradually lose much of their significance, but even this not be regarded as an opportunity for the revival of nationalistic backsliding. While appreciating this fact, let us acknowledge openly the right of the Germans freely to decide if or how they wish to unite their two states within their present frontiers. Following Bonn's agreements with its Eastern neighbours and the Helsinki Accords, the signing of a peace treaty with Germany could become one of the most important levers for a positive transformation of Europe.
Another taboo subject has been withdrawal of foreign Let us therefore propose that NATO and the Warsaw Pact enter forthwith into negotiations on the of their military organisations, on the removal of all nuclear weapons
PEACE MOVEMENT either sited in or aimed at Europe, on the withdrawal of US and Soviet troops from the territories of their European allies. Part of such an the scaling down of armed forces in all countries of the European continent to a level eliminating the risk of aggression from
These and other aims should be serving the ideal of mutual rapprochement and therefore offering no possible threat to any party. We do not seek to turn Europe into a superpower, overcome the superpower bloc structure by way of an alliance of free and independent nations within a democratic and self-governing all-European community living in friendship with nations of the entire world. The freedom and dignity of individual citizens are the key to the freedom and self-determination of na ions. transform Europe into a community of equal partners which would pose the threat of a global nuclear war, but instead serve as an example of real peaceful coexistence.
Perhaps this ideal sounds like a dream. However, we are convinced majority of Europeans. It is therefore an ideal worth striving for; all the so, in view of the fact that today's world will hardly surmount its crisis unless Europe also takes the path its citizens desire.
We believe that our views will meet with your understanding, and we wish you every success in your
Jarmila Belikova, Benda, Tomas Bisek, Daniela Biskova, Petr Cibulka, Jan Carnogursky, Albert Cerny, Jiri Dienstbier, Lubos Dob-
Karel Freund, Jiri Hajek, Milos Hajek, Vaclav Havel, Ladislav Hejdanek, Oldrich Hromadko, Marie Hromadkova, Jirina Hrabkova, Jozel Kanturkova, Bozena Komarkova, Jan Kozlik, Marie Rut Krizkova, Ladislav Lis, Jeromir
TW ZU TREDENSWERK
International Viewpoint 24 March 1986
Pavel Murasko, Dana Nemcova, Radim Palous, Milos Rejchrt, Jakub Rum], Jan Ruml, Jiri Ruml, Jan Sabata, Jaroslav Sabata, Anna Sabatova jn., Anna Sabatova sn., Libuse Silhanova,
Petruska Sustrova, Petr Uhl, Vera Vranova, Josef Zverina.
Prague, March 11, 1985 Netherlands, Luxembourg, Greece, Spain and Portugal.
2. Members of the CMEA, also known as Comecon, are the Soviet Union, East Germany, Bulgaria Hungary, Romania, Czechoslovakia, Poland, Cuba, Mongolia and Vietnam.
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